Quote Archive | The Wisdom and Folly of George Washington, American Founder

(May 28, 2025)

George Washington (1732-1799) was an American Founder who is considered the “Father of His Country.” He served as the Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army during the American Revolutionary War, and as the United States’ first President.

General and Other Military Orders

George Washington, General Orders (July 4, 1775)

The Continental Congress having now taken all the troops of the several Colonies which have been raised, or which may be hereafter raised for the support and defense of the liberties of America into their pay and service. They are now the troops of the United Provinces of North America, and it is hoped that all distinctions of colonies will be laid aside so that one and the same spirit may animate the whole, and the only contest be who shall render on this great and trying occasion the most essential service to the great and common cause in which we are all engaged.

The General most earnestly requires, and expects, a due observance of those articles of war, established for the Government of the army, which forbid profane cursing, swearing and drunkenness; And in like manner requires and expects, of all Officers, and Soldiers, not engaged on actual duty, a punctual attendance on divine service, to implore the blessings of heaven upon the means used for our safety and defense.

All officers are required and expected to pay diligent attention to keep their men neat and clean—to visit them often at their quarters, and inculcate upon them the necessity of cleanliness as essential to their health and service.

Colonel Gardner is to be buried tomorrow at 3 o’clock PM with the military honors due to so brave and gallant an officer, who fought, bled, and died in the Cause of his country and mankind.

George Washington, General Orders (July 16, 1775) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

The Continental Congress having earnestly recommended, that “Thursday next the 20^th Instant, be observed by the Inhabitants of all the English Colonies upon this Continent; as a Day of public Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer; that they may with united Hearts and Voice, unfeignedly confess their Sins before God, and supplicate the all wise and merciful disposer of events, to avert the Desolation and Calamities of an unnatural war”: The General orders, that Day to be religiously observed by the Forces under his Command, exactly in manner directed by the proclamation of the Continental Congress: It is therefore strictly enjoined on all Officers and Soldiers (not upon duty), to attend Divine Service, at the accustomed places of worship, as well in the Lines, as the Encampments and Quarters; and it is expected, that all those who go to worship, do take their Arms, Ammunition and Accoutrements, and are prepared for immediate Action if called upon. If in the Judgment of the Officers, the Works should appear to be in such forwardness as the utmost security of the Camp requires, they will command their men to abstain from all Labor upon that solemn day.

George Washington, General Orders (November 5, 1775) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

As the Commander in Chief has been apprised of a design formed, for the observance of that ridiculous and childish Custom of burning the Effigy of the pope—He cannot help expressing his surprise that there should be Officers and Soldiers, in this army so void of common sense, as not to see the impropriety of such a step at this Juncture; at a Time when we are soliciting, and have really obtain’d, the friendship & alliance of the people of Canada, whom we ought to consider as Brethren embarked in the same Cause. The defense of the general Liberty of America: At such a juncture, and in such Circumstances, to be insulting their Religion, is so monstrous, as not to be suffered, or excused; indeed instead of offering the most remote insult, it is our duty to address public thanks to these our Brethren, as to them we are so much indebted for every late happy Success over the common Enemy in Canada.

George Washington, General Orders (November 14, 1775) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

The Commander in Chief is confident, the Army under his immediate direction, will shew their Gratitude to providence, for thus favoring the Cause of Freedom and America; and by their thankfulness to God, their zeal and perseverance in this righteous Cause, continue to deserve his future blessings.

George Washington, General Orders (November 18, 1775) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

The Honorable the Legislature of this Colony having thought fit to set apart Thursday the 23^rd of November Instant, as a day of public thanksgiving “to offer up our praises, and prayers, to Almighty God, the Source and Benevolent Bestower of all good; That he would be pleased graciously to continue, to smile upon our Endeavors, to restore peace, preserve our Rights, and Privileges, to the latest posterity; prosper the American Arms, preserve and strengthen the Harmony of the United Colonies, and avert the Calamities of a civil war.” The General therefore commands, that day to be observed with all the Solemnity directed by the Legislative Proclamation, and all Officers, Soldiers and others, are hereby directed, with the most unfeigned Devotion, to obey the same.

George Washington, General Orders (November 28, 1775) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

An Express last Night from General Montgomery, brings the joyful tidings of the Surrender of the City of Montreal, to the Continental Arms—The General hopes such frequent Favors from divine providence will animate every American to continue, to exert his utmost, in the defense of the Liberties of his Country, as it would now be the basest ingratitude to the Almighty, and to their Country, to shew any the least backwardness in the public cause.

George Washington, General Orders (January 4, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

[T]hus it is that for more than two Months past I have scarcely emerged from one difficulty before I have plunged into another—how it will end God in his great goodness will direct, I am thankful for his protection to this time.

George Washington, General Orders (February 26, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

All Officers, non-commissioned Officers and Soldiers are positively forbid playing at Cards, and other Games of Chance; At this time of public distress, men may find enough to do in the service of their God, and their Country, without abandoning themselves to vice and immorality.

George Washington, General Orders (February 27, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

As the Season is now fast approaching, when every man must expect to be drawn into the Field of action, it is highly necessary that he should prepare his mind, as well as everything necessary for it. It is a noble Cause we are engaged in, it is the Cause of virtue and mankind, every temporal advantage and comfort to us, and our posterity, depends upon the Vigor of our exertions; in short, Freedom, or Slavery must be the result of our conduct, there can therefore be no greater Inducement to men to behave well: But it may not be amiss for the Troops to know, that if any Man in action shall presume to skulk, hide himself, or retreat from the enemy, without the orders of his commanding Officer; he will be instantly shot down, as an example of cowardice; Cowards having too frequently disconcerted the best formed Troops, by their dastardly behavior.

Next to the favor of divine providence, nothing is more essentially necessary to give this Army the victory of all its enemies, than Exactness of discipline, Alertness when on duty, and Cleanliness in their arms and persons; unless the Arms are kept clean, and in good firing Order, it is impossible to vanquish the enemy; and Cleanliness of the person gives health, and soldier-like appearance.

George Washington, General Orders (March 6, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

Thursday the seventh Instant, being set apart by the Honorable the Legislature of this province, as a day of fasting, prayer, and humiliation, “to implore the Lord, and Giver of all victory, to pardon our manifold sins and wickedness’s, and that it would please him to bless the Continental Arms, with his divine favor and protection”—All Officers, and Soldiers, are strictly enjoined to pay all due reverence, and attention on that day, to the sacred duties due to the Lord of hosts, for his mercies already received, and for those blessings, which our Holiness and Uprightness of life can alone encourage us to hope through his mercy to obtain.

George Washington, General Orders (May 15, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

The Continental Congress having ordered, Friday the 17th Instant to be observed as a day of “fasting, humiliation and prayer, humbly to supplicate the mercy of Almighty God, that it would please him to pardon all our manifold sins and transgressions, and to prosper the Arms of the United Colonies, and finally, establish the peace and freedom of America, upon a solid and lasting foundation”—The General commands all officers, and soldiers, to pay strict obedience to the Orders of the Continental Congress, and by their unfeigned, and pious observance of their religious duties, incline the Lord, and Giver of Victory, to prosper our arms.

George Washington, General Orders (June 30, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

[T]he General is persuaded from the known Zeal of the troops, that officers and men will stand in no need of arguments, to stimulate them upon common exertion upon the occasion, his anxiety for the Honor of the American Arms, and the noble cause we are engaged in…in short to be well prepared for an e[n]gagement is, under God, (whose divine Aid it behooves us to supplicate) more than one half the battle.

George Washington, General Orders (July 2, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

The time is now near at hand which must probably determine, whether Americans are to be, Freemen, or Slaves; whether they are to have any property they can call their own; whether their Houses, and Farms, are to be pillaged and destroyed, and they consigned to a State of Wretchedness from which no human efforts will probably deliver them. The fate of unborn Millions will now depend, under God, on the Courage and Conduct of this army—Our cruel and unrelenting Enemy leaves us no choice but a brave resistance, or the most abject submission; this is all we can expect—We have therefore to resolve to conquer or die: Our own Country’s Honor, all call upon us for a vigorous and manly exertion, and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world—Let us therefore rely upon the goodness of the Cause, and the aid of the supreme Being, in whose hands Victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble Actions—The Eyes of all our Countrymen are now upon us, and we shall have their blessings, and praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving them from the Tyranny meditated against them. Let us therefore animate and encourage each other, and shew the whole world, that a Freeman contending for Liberty on his own ground is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth.

The General recommends to the officers great coolness in time of action, and to the soldiers a strict attention and obedience, with a becoming firmness and spirit.

George Washington, General Orders (July 9, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

The Honorable Continental Congress having been pleased to allow a Chaplain to each Regiment…The Colonels or commanding officers of each regiment are directed to procure Chaplains accordingly; persons of good Characters and exemplary lives—To see that all inferior officers and soldiers pay them a suitable respect and attend carefully upon religious exercises: The blessings and protection of Heaven are at all times necessary but especially so in times of public distress and danger—The General hopes and trusts, that every officer, and man, will endeavor so to live, and act, as becomes a Christian Soldier defending the dearest Rights and Liberties of his country.

The Honorable the Continental Congress, impelled by the dictates of duty, policy and necessity, having been pleased to dissolve the Connection which subsisted between this Country, and Great Britain, and to declare the United Colonies of North America, free and independent STATES: The several brigades are to be drawn up this evening on their respective Parades, at six o’clock, when the declaration of Congress, shewing the grounds & reasons of this measure, is to be read with an audible voice.

The General hopes this important Event will serve as a fresh incentive to every officer, and soldier, to act with Fidelity and Courage, as knowing that now the peace and safety of his Country depends (under God) solely on the success of our arms: And that he is now in the service of a State, possessed of sufficient power to reward his merit, and advance him to the highest Honors of a free Country.

George Washington, General Orders (July 21, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

[T]he General most earnestly exhorts every officer, and soldier, to pay the utmost attention to his Arms, and Health; to have the former in the best order for Action, and by Cleanliness and Care, to preserve the latter; to be exact in their discipline, obedient to their Superiors and vigilant on duty: With such preparation, and a suitable Spirit, there can be no doubt, but by the blessing of Heaven, we shall repel our cruel Invaders; preserve our Country, and gain the greatest Honor.

George Washington, General Orders (August 3, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

That the Troops may have an opportunity of attending public worship, as well as take some rest after the great fatigue they have gone through; The General in future excuses them from fatigue duty on Sundays (except at the Shipyards, or special occasions) until further orders. The General is sorry to be informed that the foolish, and wicked practice, of profane cursing and swearing (a Vice heretofore little known in an American Army) is growing into fashion; he hopes the officers will, by example, as well as influence, endeavor to check it, and that both they, and the men will reflect, that we can have little hopes of the blessing of Heaven on our Arms, if we insult it by our impiety, and folly; added to this, it is a vice so mean and low, without any temptation, that every man of sense, and character, detests and despises it.

George Washington, General Orders (August 9, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

The General exhorts every man, both officer and soldier, to be prepared for action, to have his arms in the best order, not to wander from his encampment or quarters; to remember what their Country expects of them, what a few brave men have lately done in South Carolina, against a powerful Fleet & Army; to acquit themselves like men and with the blessing of heaven on so just a Cause we cannot doubt of success.

George Washington, General Orders (August 13, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

The Enemy’s whole reinforcement is now arrived, so that an Attack must, and will soon be made; The General therefore again repeats his earnest request, that every officer, and soldier, will have his Arms and Ammunition in good Order; keep within their quarters and encampment, as much as possible; be ready for action at a moments call; and when called to it, remember that Liberty, Property, Life and Honor, are all at stake; that upon their Courage and Conduct, rest the hopes of their bleeding and insulted Country; that their Wives, Children and Parents, expect Safety from them only, and that we have every reason to expect Heaven will crown with Success, so just a cause. The enemy will endeavor to intimidate by shew and appearance, but remember how they have been repulsed, on various occasions, by a few brave Americans; Their Cause is bad; their men are conscious of it, and if opposed with firmness, and coolness, at their first onset, with our advantage of Works, and Knowledge of the Ground; Victory is most assuredly ours.

George Washington, General Orders (August 14, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

We must resolve to conquer, or die; with this resolution and the blessing of Heaven, Victory and Success certainly will attend us…

George Washington, General Orders (August 23, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

The enemy have now landed on Long island, and the hour is fast approaching on which the honor and success of this army, and the safety of our bleeding country, depend. Remember officers and soldiers that you are free men, fighting for the blessings of liberty—that slavery will be your portion, and that of your posterity, if you do no acquit yourselves like men: Remember how your courage and spirit have been despised, and traduced by your cruel invaders, though they have found by dear experience at Boston, Charlestown, and other places, what a few brave men contending in their own land, and in the best of causes can do, against base hirelings and mercenaries.

It is the General’s express orders that if any man attempt to skulk, lay down, or retreat without Orders he be instantly shot down as an example, he hopes no such Scoundrel will be found in this army; but on the contrary, every one for himself resolving to conquer, or die, and trusting to the smiles of heaven upon so just a cause, will behave with Bravery and Resolution: Those who are distinguished for their Gallantry, and good Conduct, may depend upon being honorably noticed, and suitably rewarded: And if this Army will but emulate, and imitate their brave Countrymen, in other parts of America, he has no doubt they will, by a glorious Victory, save their Country, and acquire to themselves immortal Honor.

George Washington, General Orders (September 3, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

The General hopes the justice of the great cause in which they are engaged, the necessity and importance of defending this Country, preserving its Liberties, and warding off the destruction meditated against it, will inspire every man with Firmness and Resolution, in time of action, which is now approaching—Ever remembering that upon the blessing of Heaven, and the bravery of the men, our Country only can be saved.

George Washington, General Orders (February 4, 1777) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

The Honorable Governor and Assembly of New-Jersey, having directed Thursday the 6^th day of this Month, to be observed as a Day of Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer, by the Inhabitants of the State—The General desires the same may be observed by the Army.

George Washington, General Orders (April 12, 1777) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

All the troops in Morristown, except the Guards, are to attend divine worship to morrow morning at the second Bell; the officers commanding Corps, are to take especial care, that their men appear clean, and decent, and that they are to march in proper order to the place of worship.

George Washington, General Orders (May 17, 1777) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

All the troops in, and about Morristown, (those on duty excepted) are to attend divine service, tomorrow morning.

George Washington, Circular Instructions to the Brigade Commanders (May 26, 1777) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

Let Vice and Immorality of every kind be discouraged as much as possible in your Brigade and as a Chaplain is allowed to each Regiment see that the Men regularly attend divine Worship…

George Washington, General Orders (May 31, 1777) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

It is much to be lamented, that the foolish and scandalous practice of profane Swearing is exceedingly prevalent in the American Army—Officers of every rank are bound to discourage it, first by their example, and then by punishing offenders—As a mean to abolish this, and every other species of immorality—Brigadiers are enjoined, to take effectual care, to have divine service duly performed in their respective brigades.

George Washington, General Orders (June 28, 1777) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

All Chaplains are to perform divine service tomorrow, and on every succeeding Sunday, with their respective brigades and regiments, where the situation will possibly admit of it: And the commanding officers of corps are to see that they attend; themselves, with officers of all ranks, setting the example. The Commander in Chief expects an exact compliance with this order, and that it be observed in future as an invariable rule of practice—And every neglect will be considered not only a breach of orders, but a disregard to decency, virtue and religion.

George Washington, General Orders (July 5, 1777) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

Divine service to be performed tomorrow, in all the regiments which have chaplains.

George Washington, General Orders (October 5, 1777) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

[T]hey nevertheless see that the enemy are not proof against a vigorous attack, and may be put to flight when boldly pushed—This they will remember, and assure themselves that on the next occasion, by a proper exertion of the powers which God has given them, and inspired by the cause of freedom in which they are engaged, they will be victorious.

George Washington, General Orders (October 18, 1777) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

The General has his happiness completed relative to the successes of our northern Army. On the 14^th instant, General Burgoyne, and his whole Army, surrendered themselves prisoners of war—Let every face brighten, and every heart expand with grateful Joy and praise to the supreme disposer of all events, who has granted us this signal success—The Chaplains of the army are to prepare short discourses, suited to the joyful occasion to deliver to their several corps and brigades at 5 o’clock this afternoon…

George Washington, General Orders (November 30, 1777) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

[Quoting Congress] “Forasmuch as it is the indispensable duty of all men, to adore the superintending providence of Almighty God; to acknowledge with gratitude their obligations to him for benefits received, and to implore such further blessings as they stand in need of: and it having pleased him, in his abundant mercy, not only to continue to us the innumerable bounties of his common providence, but also, to smile upon us in the prosecution of a just and necessary war, for the defense of our unalienable rights and liberties”—It is therefore recommended by Congress, that Thursday, the 18^th day of December next be set apart for Solemn Thanksgiving and Praise, that at one time, and with one voice, the good people may express the grateful feelings of their hearts, and consecrate themselves to the service of their divine benefactor; and that, together with their sincere acknowledgements and offerings, they may join the penitent confession of their sins; and supplications for such further blessings as they stand in need of—The Chaplains will properly notice this recommendation, that the day of thanksgiving may be duly observed in the army, agreeably to the intentions of Congress.

George Washington, General Orders (December 17, 1777)

Although in some instances we unfortunately failed, yet upon the whole, Heaven hath smiled on our arms and crowned them with signal success; and we may upon the best grounds conclude that by a spirited continuance of the measures necessary for our defense, we shall finally obtain the end of our warfare, Independence, Liberty, and Peace. These are blessings worth contending for at every hazard. But we hazard nothing. The power of America alone, duly exerted, would have nothing to dread from the force of Britain. Yet we stand not wholly upon our ground.

France yields us every aid we ask, and there are reasons to believe the period is not very distance when she will take a more active part by declaring war against the British Crown. Every motive therefore irresistibly urges us, nay commands us, to a firm and manly perseverance in our opposition to our cruel oppressors, to slight difficulties, endure hardships, and contemn every danger.

…he [Washington] persuades himself that the officers and soldiers, with one heart, and one mind, will resolve to surmount every difficulty with a fortitude and patience becoming their profession, and the sacred cause in which they are engaged. He himself will share in the hardship, and partake of every inconvenience.

Day of Thanksgiving Spoken of on November 30, 1777

The Commander in Chief with the highest satisfaction expresses his thanks to the officers and soldiers for the fortitude and patience with which they have sustained the fatigues of the Campaign—Although in some instances we unfortunately failed, yet upon the whole Heaven hath smiled on our Arms and crowned them with signal success; and we may upon the best grounds conclude, that by a spirited continuance of the measures necessary for our defense we shall finally obtain the end of our Warfare—Independence—Liberty and Peace—These are blessings worth contending for at every hazard…

Tomorrow being the day set apart by the Honorable Congress for public Thanksgiving and Praise; and duty calling us devoutly to express our grateful acknowledgements to God for the manifold blessings he has granted us—The General directs that the army remain in its present quarters, and that the Chaplains perform divine service with their several Corps and brigades—And earnestly exhorts, all officers and soldiers, whose absence is not indispensably necessary, to attend with reverence the solemnities of the day.

George Washington, General Orders (March 1, 1778)

Their [the officers and soldiers] fortitude not only under the common hardships incident to a military life, but also under the additional sufferings to which the peculiar situation of these States have exposed them, clearly proved them worthy the enviable privilege of contending for the rights of human nature, the Freedom and Independence of their country.

Surely we who are free Citizens in arms engaged in a struggle for everything valuable in society and partaking in the glorious task of laying the foundation of an Empire, should scorn effeminately to shrink under those accidents and rigors of War which mercenary hirelings fighting in the cause of lawless ambition, rapine and devastation, encounter with cheerfulness and alacrity, we should not be merely equal, we should be superior to them in every qualification that dignifies the man or the soldier in proportion as the motive from which we act and the final hopes of our Toils, are superior to theirs. Thank Heaven! our Country abounds with provision & with prudent management we need not apprehend want for any length of time.

[B]ut soldiers! American soldiers! will despise the meanness of repining at such trifling strokes of adversity, trifling indeed when compared to the transcendent Prize which will undoubtedly crown their patience and perseverance, glory and freedom, peace and plenty to themselves and the community; the admiration of the world, the love of their country, and the gratitude of posterity.

[H]e [Washington] is convinced the faithful officers and soldiers associated with him in the great work of rescuing our country from bondage and misery will continue in the display of that patriotic zeal which is capable of smoothing every difficulty and vanquishing every obstacle.

George Washington, General Orders (March 14, 1778)

Homosexuality

At a General Court Martial whereof Coll Tupper was President (10th March 1778) Lieutt Enslin of Coll Malcom’s Regiment tried for attempting to commit sodomy, with John Monhort a soldier; Secondly, For Perjury in swearing to false Accounts, found guilty of the charges exhibited against him, being breaches of 5^th Article 18^th Section of the Articles of War and do sentence him to be dismiss’d the service with Infamy—His Excellency the Commander in Chief approves the sentence and with Abhorrence & Detestation of such Infamous Crimes orders Lieutt Enslin to be drummed out of Camp tomorrow morning by all the Drummers and Fifers in the Army never to return; The Drummers and Fifers to attend on the Grand Parade at Guard mounting for that Purpose.

George Washington, General Orders (April 12, 1778)

The Honorable Congress having thought proper to recommend to The United-States of America to set apart Wednesday the 22^nd instant to be observed as a day of Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer, that at one time and with one voice the righteous dispensations of Providence may be acknowledged and His Goodness and Mercy towards us and our Arms supplicated and implored—The General directs that this day also shall be religiously observed in the Army, that no work be done thereon and that the Chaplains prepare discourses suitable to the Occasion—The Funeral Honors at the Interment of officers are for the future to be confined to a solemn Procession of officers and soldiers in number suitable to the rank of the deceased with Reversed Arms; Firing on those occasions in Camp is to be abolished.

George Washington, General Orders (May 2, 1778)

The Commander in Chief directs that divine Service be performed every Sunday at 11 o’Clock in those Brigades to which there are Chaplains—those which have none to attend the places of worship nearest to them—It is expected that Officers of all Ranks will by their attendance set an Example to their men.

While we are zealously performing the duties of good Citizens and soldiers we certainly ought not to be inattentive to the higher duties of Religion—To the distinguished Character of Patriot, it should be our highest Glory to add the more distinguished Character of Christian—The signal Instances of providential Goodness which we have experienced and which have now almost crowned our labors with complete Success, demand from us in a peculiar manner the warmest returns of Gratitude and Piety to the Supreme Author of all Good…

No fatigue Parties to be employed on Sundays till further Orders.

George Washington, General Orders (May 5, 1778)

A New Ally

It having pleased the Almighty ruler of the Universe propitiously to defend the Cause of the United American-States and finally by raising us up a powerful Friend [France] among the Princes of the Earth to establish our liberty and Independence upon lasting foundations, it becomes us to set apart a day for gratefully acknowledging the divine Goodness and celebrating the important Event which we owe to his benign Interposition.

The several Brigades are to be assembled for this Purpose at nine o’ Clock tomorrow morning when their Chaplains will communicate the Intelligence contained in the Postscript to the Pennsylvania Gazette of the 2^nd instant and offer up a thanksgiving and deliver a discourse suitable to the Occasion…

George Washington, General Orders (June 30, 1778)

The Men are to wash themselves this afternoon and appear as clean and decent as possible.

Seven o’clock this evening is appointed that We may publicly unite in thanksgivings to the supreme Disposer of human Events for the Victory which was obtained on Sunday over the Flower of the British Troops.

George Washington, To Brigadier General Thomas Nelson (August 20, 1778)

The Conspicuous Hand of Providence

The hand of Providence has been so conspicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked, that has not gratitude enough to acknowledge his obligations—but—it will be time enough for me to turn preacher, when my present appointment ceases; and therefore, I shall add no more on the Doctrine of Providence.

George Washington, General Orders (April 12, 1779)

The Honorable the Congress having recommended it to the United States to set apart Thursday the 6^th of May next to be observed as a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer, to acknowledge the gracious interpositions of Providence; to deprecate deserved punishment for our Sins and Ingratitude, to unitedly implore the Protection of Heaven; Success to our Arms and the Arms of our Ally—The Commander in Chief enjoins a religious observance of said day and directs the Chaplains to prepare discourses proper for the occasion; strictly forbidding all recreations and unnecessary labor.

George Washington, General Orders (July 29, 1779)

Many and pointed orders have been issued against that unmeaning and abominable custom of Swearing, notwithstanding which, with much regret the General observes that it prevails, if possible, more than ever; His feelings are continually wounded by the Oaths and Imprecations of the soldiers whenever he is in hearing of them.

The Name of That Being, from whose bountiful goodness we are permitted to exist and enjoy the comforts of life is incessantly imprecated and profaned in a manner as wanton as it is shocking: For the sake therefore of religion, decency and order the General hopes and trusts that officers of every rank will use their influence and authority to check a vice, which is as unprofitable as it is wicked and shameful.

George Washington, General Orders (March 23, 1781)

In answer to your request to be appointed Chaplain of the Garrison at Wyoming I have to observe; that there is no provision made by Congress for such an establishment; without which, I should not be at liberty to make any appointment of the kind, however necessary or expedient (in my opinion), or however I might be disposed to give every species of countenance and encouragement to the cultivation of Virtue, Morality, and Religion.

George Washington, General Orders (September 15, 1781)

The Commander in Chief takes the earliest Opportunity of testifying the satisfaction he feels on Joining the Army under the Command of Major General the Marquis de la Fayette with prospects which (under the smiles of Heaven) he doubts not will crown their toils with the most brilliant success—A conviction that the Officers and soldiers of this Army will still be activated by that true Martial spirit and thirst of Glory which they have already exhibited on so many trying occasions and under circumstances far less promising than the present affords him the most pleasing sensations.

George Washington, General Orders (October 20, 1781)

Divine Service is to be performed tomorrow in the several Brigades or Divisions.

George Washington, General Orders (April 22, 1782)

The United States in Congress assembled having been pleased by their Proclamation dated the 19^th March last to appoint Thursday next the 25^th Instant to be set apart as a day of Fasting humiliation and Prayer for certain special purposes therein mentioned: the same is to be Observed accordingly throughout the Army, and the different Chaplains will prepare Discourses Suited to the Several Objects enjoined by the said Proclamation.

George Washington, Office Orders (June 19, 1782)

That Divine Providence may shed its choicest blessings upon the King of France and his Royal Consort and favor them with a long, happy and glorious reign—that the Dauphin may live to inherit the virtues and the Crown of his Illustrious progenitors—that he may Reign over the hearts of a happy and generous people, and be among the happiest in his kingdom is our sincere and fervent wish.

George Washington, General Orders (February 15, 1783)

The New building being so far finished as to admit the troops to attend public worship therein after tomorrow, it is directed that divine Services should be performed there every Sunday by the several Chaplains of the New Windsor Cantonment in rotation and in order that the different brigades may have an opportunity of attending at different hours in the same day (whenever the weather and other circumstances will permit which the Brigadiers and Commandants of brigades must determine) the General recommends that the Chaplains should in the first place consult the Commanding officers of their Brigades to know what hour will be most convenient and agreeable for attendance that they will then settle the duty among themselves and report the results to the Brigadiers and Commandants of Brigades who are desired to give notice in their orders and to afford every aid and assistance in their power for the promotion of that public Homage and adoration which are due to the supreme being—who has through his infinite goodness brought our public Calamities and dangers (in all human probability) very near to a happy conclusion.

The Commander in Chief also desires and expects the Chaplains in addition to their public functions will in turn constantly attend the Hospitals and visit the sick—and while they are thus publicly and privately engaged in performing the sacred duties of their office they may depend upon his utmost encouragement and support on all occasions, and that they will be considered in a very respectable point of light by the whole Army.

Official Documents and Speeches (Commander in Chief, 1775-1783)

George Washington, Address to the Inhabitants of Canada (September 14, 1775) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

Friends and Brethren,

The unnatural Contest between the English Colonies and Great Britain, has now risen to such a Heighth [sic], that Arms alone must decide it. The Colonies, confiding in the Justice of their Cause, and the Purity of their Intentions, have reluctantly appealed to that Being, in whose Hands are all human Events. He has hitherto smiled upon their virtuous Efforts—The Hand of Tyranny has been arrested in its Ravages, and the British Arms which have shone with so much Splendor in every Part of the Globe, are now tarnished with Disgrace and Disappointment.—Generals of approved Experience, who boasted of subduing this great Continent, find themselves circumscribed within the Limits of a single City and its Suburbs, suffering all the Shame and Distress of a Siege. While the trueborn Sons of America, animated by the genuine Principles of Liberty and Love of their Country, with increasing Union, Firmness and Discipline repel every Attack, and despise every Danger.

Above all, we rejoice, that our Enemies have been deceived with Regard to you—They have persuaded themselves, they have even dared to say, that the Canadians were not capable of distinguishing between the Blessings of Liberty, and the Wretchedness of Slavery; that gratifying the Vanity of a little Circle of Nobility—would blind the Eyes of the People of Canada.—By such Artifices they hoped to bend you to their Views, but they have been deceived, instead of finding in you that Poverty of Soul, and Baseness of Spirit, they see with a Chagrin equal to our Joy, that you are enlightened, generous, and virtuous—that you will not renounce your own Rights, or serve as Instruments to deprive your Fellow Subjects of theirs.—Come then, my Brethren, unite with us in an indissoluble Union, let us run together to the same Goal.—We have taken up Arms in Defense of our Liberty, our Property, our Wives, and our Children, we are determined to preserve them, or die. We look forward with Pleasure to that Day not far remote (we hope) when the Inhabitants of America shall have one Sentiment, and the full Enjoyment of the Blessings of a free Government.

Incited by these Motives, and encouraged by the Advice of many Friends of Liberty among you, the Grand American Congress have sent an Army into your Province, under the Command of General Schuyler; not to plunder, but to protect you; to animate, and bring forth into Action those Sentiments of Freedom you have disclosed, and which the Tools of Despotism would extinguish through the whole Creation.—To co-operate with this Design, and to frustrate those cruel and perfidious Schemes, which would deluge our Frontiers with the Blood of Women and Children; I have detached Colonel Arnold into your Country, with a Part of the Army under my Command—I have enjoined upon him, and I am certain that he will consider himself, and act as in the Country of his Patrons, and best Friends. Necessaries and Accommodations of every Kind which you may furnish, he will thankfully receive, and render the full Value.—I invite you therefore as Friends and Brethren, to provide him with such Supplies as your Country affords; and I pledge myself not only for your Safety and Security, but for ample Compensation. Let no Man desert his Habitation—Let no one flee as before an Enemy. The Cause of America, and of Liberty, is the Cause of every virtuous American Citizen; whatever may be his Religion or his Descent, the United Colonies know no Distinction but such as Slavery, Corruption and arbitrary Domination may create. Come then, ye generous Citizens, range yourselves under the Standard of general Liberty—against which all the Force and Artifice of Tyranny will never be able to prevail.

George Washington, Speech to the Delaware Chiefs (May 12, 1779)¹

You do well to wish to learn our arts and ways of life, and above all, the religion of Jesus Christ. These will make you a greater and happier people than you are. Congress will do everything they can to assist you in this wise intention.

George Washington, Circular to State Governments (June 8, 1783)²

Blessing or Curse

I think it a duty incumbent on me, to make this my last official communication, to congratulate you on the glorious events which Heaven has been pleased to produce in our favor…and to give my final blessing to that country, in whose service I have spent the prime of my life, for whose sake I have consumed so many anxious days and watchful nights, and whose happiness being extremely dear to me, will always constitute no inconsiderable part of my own…

[W]e shall have equal occasion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which Providence has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a political or moral point of light.

The Citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, as the sole Lords and Proprietors of a vast tract of 516 | 517 continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates of the World, and abounding with all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now by the last satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom and independency; they are, from this period, to be considered as the Actors on a most conspicuous theater, which seems to be peculiarly designated by Providence for the display of human greatness and felicity…Heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a fairer opportunity for political happiness, than any other Nation has ever been favored with…The foundation of our Empire was not laid in the gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but at an epocha when the rights of mankind were better understood and more clearly defined, than at any former period, the researches of the human mind, after social happiness, have been carried to a great extent, the treasures of knowledge, acquired by the labors of philosophers, sages and legislatures, through a long succession of years, are laid open for our use, and their collected wisdom may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of government; the free cultivation of letters, the unbounded extension of commerce, the progressive refinement of manners, the growing liberality of sentiment, and above all, the pure and benign light of Revelation, have had a meliorating influence on mankind and increased the blessings of society. At this auspicious, the United States came into existence as a Nation, and if their citizens should not be completely free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own.

Such is our situation, and such are our prospects: but notwithstanding the cup of blessing [1 Cor. 10:16] is thus reached out to us, notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion and make it our own; yet, it appears to me there is an option still left to the United States of America, that it is in their choice, and depends upon their conduct, whether they will be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible, 517 | 518 and miserable as a nation; this is the time of their [the United States’] political probation, this is the moment when the eyes of the whole World are turned upon them, this is the moment to establish or ruin their national character forever, this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to our Federal Government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution, or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of the Confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of European politics, which may play one state against another to prevent their growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. For according to the system of policy the state shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall, and by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether the Revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse [Deut. 11:26]: a blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved… 518 | 521

[I]n the meantime, let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper business, as individuals, and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated on the citizens of America, that will they strengthen the hands of government, and be happy under its protection: everyone will reap the fruit of his labors, everyone will enjoy his own acquisitions without molestation and without danger [Ps. 128:2].

In this this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common interest of society, and ensure the protection of government?…In what part of the continent shall we find any man, or body of men, who would not blush to stand up and propose measures, purposely calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, and the public creditor of his due? And were it possible that such a flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite the general indignation, and tend to bring down upon the authors of such measures the aggravated vengeance of Heaven?… 521 | 522

[I]f there should be a refusal to comply with the requisitions for funds to discharge the annual interest of the public debts, and if that refusal should revive again all those jealousies and produce all those evils, which are now happily removed, Congress, who have in all their transaction shewn a great degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand justified in the sight of God and Man [Prov. 3:4; Luke 2:52; 2 Cor. 8:21], and the state alone which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the Continent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious councils, will be responsible for all the consequences… 522 | 524

It is, however, neither my wish or expectation, that the preceding observations should claim any regard, except so far as they shall appear to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to the immutable rules of Justice, calculated to produce a liberal system of policy, and founded on whatever experience may have been acquired by a long and close attention to public business… 524 | 526

I now make it my earnest prayer that God would have you and the State over which you preside in his holy protection, that he would incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to government, and to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one another, for their fellow citizens of the United States at large, and particularly for their brethren who have served in the field, and finally, that he would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy [Mic. 6:8], and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific temper of mind which were the characteristics of the Divine Author of our blessed religion, [Jesus] and without an humble imitation of whose example in these things we can never hope to be a happy nation.

George Washington, Farewell Address to the Armies of the United States (November 2, 1783)³

The United States in Congress assembled, after giving the most honorable testimony to the merits of the federal armies, and presenting them with the thanks of their country for their long, eminent and faithful services, having thought proper, by their proclamation bearing date the 18^th day of October last, to discharge such part of the troops as were engaged for the war, and to permit the officers on furlough to retire from service from and after to-morrow; which proclamation having been communicated in the public papers for the information and government of all concerned, it only remains for the Commander-in-chief to address himself once more, 542 | 543 and that for the last time, to the armies of the United States (however widely dispersed the individuals who compose them may be), and to bid them an affectionate, a long farewell.

But before the Commander-in-chief takes his final leave of those he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself a few moments in calling to mind a slight review of the past.

A contemplation of the complete attainment (at a period earlier than could have been expected) of the object, for which we contended against so formidable a power, cannot but inspire us with astonishment and gratitude. The disadvantageous circumstances on our part, under which the war was undertaken, can never be forgotten. The singular interposition of Providence in our feeble condition were such, as could scarcely escape the attention of the most unobserving; while the unparalleled perseverance of the Armies of the U[nited] States, through almost every possible suffering and discouragement for the space of eight long years, was little short of a standing miracle…

Every American officer and soldier must now console himself for any unpleasant circumstances, which may have occurred, by a recollection of the uncommon scenes in which he has been called to act no inglorious part, and the astonishing events of which he has been a witness; events which have seldom, if ever before, taken place on the stage of human action; nor can they probably ever happen again. For who has before seen a disciplined army formed at once from such raw materials? Who, that was not a witness, could imagine, that the most violent local prejudices 543 | 544 would cease so soon; and that men, who came from the different parts of the continent, strongly disposed by the habits of education to despise and quarrel with each other, would instantly become but one patriotic band of brothers? Or who, that was not on the spot, can trace the steps by which such a wonderful revolution has been effected, and such a glorious period put to all our warlike toils?

It is universally acknowledged, that the enlarged prospects of happiness, opened by the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, almost exceeds the power of description. And shall not the brave men, who have contributed so essentially to these inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field of war to the field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings, which have been obtained? In such a republic, who will exclude them from the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labors? In such a country, so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of commerce and the cultivation of the soil will unfold to industry the certain road to competence. To those hardy soldiers, who are actuated by the spirit of adventure, the fisheries will afford ample and profitable employment; and the extensive and fertile regions of the West will yield a most happy asylum to those, who, fond of domestic enjoyment, are seeking for personal independence. Nor is it possible to conceive, that any one of the United States will prefer a national bankruptcy, and a dissolution of the Union, to a compliance with the requisitions of Congress, and the payment of its just debts; so that the officers and soldiers may expect considerable assistance, in recommencing their civil occupations, from the sums due to them from the public, which must and will most inevitably be paid.

In order to effect this desirable purpose…it is earnestly recommended to all the troops, that, with strong attachments to the Union, they should carry with them into civil society the most conciliating dispositions, and that they should prove themselves not less virtuous and useful as citizens, than they have been persevering and victorious as soldiers… 544 | 545 [L]et it be remembered, that the unbiased voice of the free citizens of the United States has promised the just reward and given the merited applause. Let it be known and remembered, that the reputation of the federal armies is established beyond the reach of malevolence; and let a consciousness of their achievements and fame still incite the men, who composed them, to honorable actions; under the persuasion that the private virtues of economy, prudence, and industry, will not be less amiable in civil life, than the more splendid qualities of valor, perseverance, and enterprise were in the field. Everyone may rest assured that much, very much, of the future happiness of the officers and men, will depend upon the wise and manly conduct, which shall be adopted by them when they are mingled with the great body of the community. And, although the General has so frequently given it as his opinion in the most public and explicit manner, that, unless the principles of the Federal Government were properly supported, and the powers of the Union increased, the honor, dignity, and justice of the nation would be lost forever; yet he cannot help repeating, on this occasion, so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as his last injunction to every officer and every soldier, who may view the subject in the same serious point of light, to add his best endeavors to those of his worthy fellow citizens towards effecting these great and valuable purposes, on which our very existence as a nation so materially depends… 545 | 546

He wishes more than bare professions were in his power; that he were really able to be useful to them all in future life. He flatters himself, however, they will do him the justice to believe, that whatever could with propriety be attempted by him has been done. And being now to conclude these his last public orders, to take his ultimate leave in a short time of the military character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies he has so long had the honor to command, he can only again offer in their behalf his recommendations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of Armies. May ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of heaven’s favors, both here and hereafter, attend those who, under the divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others.

George Washington, Address to Congress on Resigning Commission (December 23, 1783)

A “Holy Keeping”—Washington’s Resignation

I have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to Congress and of presenting myself before them to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. Happy in the confirmation of our Independence and Sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming a respectable Nation, I resign with satisfaction the Appointment I accepted with diffidence. A diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which however was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our Cause, the support of the Supreme Power of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven.

The Successful termination of the War has verified the most sanguine expectations, and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and the assistance I have received from my Countrymen, increases with every review of the momentous Contest…

I consider it an indispensable duty to close this last solemn act of my Official life, by commending the Interests of our dearest Country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of them, to his holy keeping [Jude 1:24].

Having now finished the work assigned to me, I retire from the great theater of action; and bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body under whose orders I have so long acted, I here my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life.

Official Documents and Speeches (President, 1789-1797)

George Washington, Undelivered First Inaugural Address: Fragments (April 30, 1789) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

We are this day assembled on a solemn and important occasion…not as a ceremony without meaning, but with a single reference to our dependence upon the Parent of all good…

If we had a secret resource of an nature unknown to our enemy, it was in the unconquerable resolution of our Citizens, the conscious rectitude of our cause, and a confident trust that we should not be forsaken by Heaven.

I solemnly assert and appeal to the searcher of hearts [Rom. 8:27] to witness the truth of it, that my leaving home to take upon myself the execution of this Office was the greatest personal sacrifice I have ever, in the course of my existence, been called upon to make.

In the next place, it will be recollected, that the Divine Providence hath not seen fit, that my blood should be transmitted or my name perpetuated by the endearing, though sometimes seducing channel of immediate offspring. I have no child for whom I could wish to make a provision—no family to build in greatness upon my Country’s ruins.

I feel the consolatory joys of futurity in contemplating the immense desarts [sic], yet untrodden by the foot of man, soon to become fair as the garden of God [Garden of Eden], soon to be animated by the activity of multitudes & soon to be made vocal with the praises of the Most High. [Ps. 7:17, et al] Can it be imagined that so many peculiar advantages, of soil & of climate, for agriculture & for navigation were lavished in vain—or that this Continent was not created and reserved so long undiscovered as a Theatre, for those glorious displays of Divine Munificence, the salutary consequences of which shall flow to another Hemisphere & extend through the interminable series of ages! Should not our Souls exult in the prospect! Though I shall not survive to perceive with these bodily senses, but a small portion of the blessed effects which our Revolution will occasion in the rest of the world; yet I enjoy the progress of human society & human happiness in anticipation.

Thus I have explained the general impressions under which I have acted: omitting to mention until the last, a principal reason which induced my acceptance. After a consciousness that all is right within and an humble hope of approbation in Heaven—nothing can, assuredly, be so grateful to a virtuous man as the good opinion of his fellow citizens.

If the blessings of Heaven showered thick around us should be spilled on the ground or converted to curses [Deut. 30, et al], through the fault of those for whom they were intended, it would not be the first instance of folly folly or perverseness in short-sighted mortals. The blessed Religion revealed in the word of God [Bible] will remain an eternal and awful monument to prove that the best Institutions may be abused by human depravity [reference to ancient Israel]; and that they may even, in some instances be made subservient to the vilest of purposes. Should, hereafter, those who are entrusted with the management of this government, incited by the lust of power & prompted by the supineness or venality of their Constituents, overleap the known barriers of this Constitution and violate the unalienable rights of humanity: it will only serve to shew, that no compact among men (however provident in its construction & sacred in its ratification) can be pronounced everlasting and inviolable—and if I may so express myself, that no wall of words—that no mound of parchment can be so formed as to stand against the sweeping torrent of boundless ambition on the one side, aided by the sapping current of corrupted morals on the other.

It is in my conception, worth the pains of an attempt, to endeavor to conciliate the good will of every description of honest men, when it can honestly be done. In conformity to this sentiment, I could wish to relieve the tender consciences of that industrious, frugal & valuable sect, [Quakers] who are religiously principled against supporting an armed force, by faithfully appropriating the whole monies which shall be collected from them, to the support of civil government…

It belongs to you especially to take measures for promoting the general welfare. It belongs to you to make men honest in their dealings with each other, by regulating the coinage & currency of money upon equitable principles as well as by establishing just weights and measures upon an uniform plan. Whenever an opportunity shall be furnished to you as public or as private men, I trust you will not fail to use your best endeavors to improve the education and manners of a people; to accelerate the progress of arts & Sciences; to patronize works of genius; to confer rewards for inventions of utility; and to cherish institutions favorable to humanity. Such are among the best of all human employments. Such exertion of your talents will render your situations truly dignified & cannot fail of being acceptable in the sight of the Divinity.

While others in their political conduct shall demean themselves as may seem ⟨dear⟩ to them, let us be honest. Let us be firm. Let us advance directly forward in the path of our duty. Should the path at first prove intricate & thorny, it will grow plain and smooth as we go. [Is. 40:4; Luke 3:5] In public as in private life, let the eternal line that separates right from wrong, be the fence…

I most earnestly supplicate that Almighty God, to whose holy keeping I commend my dearest Country, will never offer so fair an inheritance to become a prey to avar[ice].

George Washington, First Inaugural Address (April 30, 1789) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years: a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.

On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experience of her citizens, a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications could not but overwhelm with despondence on who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature an unpracticed in the duties of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.

…it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the Universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the People of the United States, a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes: and may enable every instrument employed in its administration, to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.

In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow citizens at large less than either: No People can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men more than the People of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency…[which] cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with a humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage…

[Speaking to members of Congress] [R]efer to the Great Constitutional Charter [the Constitution] under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given…no separate views, nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the pre-eminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world…

[T]here is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an insoluble union between virtue and happiness, between duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity…

[T]he propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven itself has ordained: and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people…

[A] reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted…

I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments [i.e. salary] which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the Executive Department…[my “salary” must] be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require…

I shall take my present leave, but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication that since he has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of Government, for the security of their Union, and the advancement of their happiness; so this divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views—the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.

George Washington, Reply to the House of Representatives (May 8, 1789)

Your very affectionate Address produces emotions which I know not how to express. I feel that my past endeavors in the service of country are far overpaid by its goodness, and I fear much that my future ones may not fulfill your kind anticipation. All that I can promise is that they will be invariably direct by an honest and an ardent zeal. Of this resource my heart assures me. For all beyond, I rely on the wisdom and patriotism of those with whom I am to cooperate and a continuance of the blessings of Heaven on our beloved country.

George Washington, Thanksgiving Proclamation (October 3, 1789) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

By the President of the United States of America. a Proclamation.

Whereas it is the duty of all Nations to acknowledge the providence of Almighty God, to obey his will, to be grateful for his benefits, and humbly to implore his protection and favor—and whereas both Houses of Congress have by their joint Committee requested me “to recommend to the People of the United States a day of public thanksgiving and prayer to be observed by acknowledging with grateful hearts the many signal favors of Almighty God especially by affording them an opportunity peaceably to establish a form of government for their safety and happiness.”

Now therefore I do recommend and assign Thursday the 26^th day of November next to be devoted by the People of these States to the service of that great and glorious Being, who is the beneficent Author of all the good that was, that is, or that will be—That we may then all unite in rendering unto him our sincere and humble thanks—for his kind care and protection of the People of this Country previous to their becoming a Nation—for the signal and manifold mercies, and the favorable interpositions of his Providence which we experienced in the course and conclusion of the late war—for the great degree of tranquility, union, and plenty, which we have since enjoyed—for the peaceable and rational manner, in which we have been enabled to establish constitutions of government for our safety and happiness, and particularly the national One now lately instituted—for the civil and religious liberty with which we are blessed; and the means we have of acquiring and diffusing useful knowledge; and in general for all the great and various favors which he hath been pleased to confer upon us.

And also that we may then unite in most humbly offering our prayers and supplications to the great Lord and Ruler of Nations and beseech him to pardon our national and other transgressions—to enable us all, whether in public or private stations, to perform our several and relative duties properly and punctually—to render our national government a blessing to all the people, by constantly being a Government of wise, just, and constitutional laws, discreetly and faithfully executed and obeyed—to protect and guide all Sovereigns and Nations (especially such as have shewn kindness unto us) and to bless them with good government, peace, and concord—To promote the knowledge and practice of true religion and virtue, and the increase of science among them and us—and generally to grant unto all Mankind such a degree of temporal prosperity as he alone knows to be best.

Given under my hand at the City of New-York the third day of October in the year of our Lord 1789.

Go: Washington

George Washington, First Annual Message to Congress (January 8, 1790)

I embrace with great satisfaction the opportunity which now presents itself of congratulating you on the present favorable prospects of our public affairs…the rising credit and respectability of our country—the general and increasing good will towards the government of the Union—and the concord, peace, and plenty with which we are blessed, are circumstances auspicious in an eminent degree to our national prosperity…Still further to realize their [the citizens’] expectations and to secure the blessings which a Gracious Providence has placed within our reach will, in the course of the present important session, call for the cool and deliberate exertion of your patriotism, firmness, and wisdom.

Among the many interesting objects which will engage your attention, that of providing for the common defense will merit particular regard. To be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace. A free ought not only to be armed but disciplined, to which end, a uniform and well-digested plan is requisite: and their safety and interest require that they should promote such manufactories as tend to render them independent on others for essentials, particularly for military supplies.

The interests of the United States require that our intercourse with other nations should be facilitated by such provisions as will enable me to fulfill my duty in that respect…and to this end, that the compensations to be made to the persons who may be employed should, according to the nature of their appointments, be defined by law…

Various considerations also render it expedient that the terms on which foreigners may be admitted to the rights of citizens should be speedily ascertained by a uniform rule of naturalization.” [Gov]

Uniformity in the currency, weights, and measure of the United States is an object of great importance, and will, I am persuaded, be duly attended to.

The advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures by all proper means will not, I trust, need recommendation. But I cannot forbear intimating to you the expediency of giving effectual encouragement as well to the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad, as to the exertions of skill and genius in producing them at home, and of facilitating the intercourse between the distant parts of our country by a due attention to the Post Office and post roads.

…there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of science and literature. Knowledge is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. In one in which the measures of government receive their impression so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours, it is proportionally essential. To the security of a free Constitution, it contributes in various ways: by convincing those who are entrusted with the public administration that every valuable end of government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people, and by teaching the people themselves to know and to value their own rights, to discern and provide against invasions of them, to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority, between burdens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of society, to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachments with an inviolable respect to the laws. Whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aids to seminaries of learning already established—by the institution of a national university—or by any other expedients, will be worthy of a place in the deliberations of the legislature.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives…It would be superfluous to specific inducements to a measure in which the character and permanent interests of the United States are so obviously and so deeply concerned [the national debt].

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives…The welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and efforts ought to be directed. And I shall derive great satisfaction from a cooperation with you in the pleasing, though arduous task of ensuring to our fellow citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal government.

George Washington, Second Annual Message to Congress (December 8, 1790)

In meeting you [Congress] again, I feel much satisfaction in being able to repeat my congratulations on the favorable prospects which continue to distinguish our public affairs. The abundant fruits of another year have blessed our country with plenty, and with the means of a flourishing commerce. The progress of public credit is witnessed by a considerable rise of America stock abroad, as well as at home. And the revenues allotted for this and other national purposes have been productive beyond the calculations by which they were regulated. This latter circumstance is the more pleasing as it is not only a proof of the fertility of our resources, but as it assures us of a further increase of the national respectability and credit, and let me ad, as it bears an honorable testimony to the patriotism and integrity of the mercantile and marine part of our citizens. The punctuality of the former in discharging their engagements has been exemplary.

In conforming to the powers bested in me by acts of the last session, a loan of three millions of florins, towards which some provisional measures had previously taken place, has been completed in Holland.

Since your last session, I have received communications by which it appears that the district of Kentucky, at present a part of Virginia, has concurred in certain propositions contained in a law of that State, in consequence of which the district is to become a distinct member of the Union, in case the requisite sanction of Congress be added…The liberality and harmony with which it [the business of Kentucky applying for Statehood] has been conducted will be found to do great honor to both parties, and the sentiments of warm attachment to the Union and its present government expressed by our fellow citizens of Kentucky cannot fail to add an affectionate concern for their particular welfare to the great national impressions under which you will decide on the case submitted to you.

It has been heretofore known to Congress that frequent incursions have been made on our frontier settlements by certain banditti of Indians from the northwest side of the Ohio [River]…being emboldened by the impunity of their crimes, and aided by such parts of the neighboring tribes as could be seduced to join in their hostilities or afford them a retreat for their prisoners and plunder, they have, instead of listening to the humane overtures made on the part of the United States, renewed violences [sic] with fresh alacrity and greater effect. The lives of a number of valuable citizens have thus been sacrificed, and some of them under circumstances peculiarly shocking, whilst others have been carried into a deplorable captivity. These aggravated provocations rendered it essential to the safety of the western settlements that the aggressors should be made sensible that the government of the Union is not less capable of punishing their crimes than it is disposed to respect their rights and reward their attachments. As this object could not be effected by defensive measures, it became necessary to put in force the Act which empowers the President to call out the Militia for the protection of the frontiers. And I have accordingly authorized an expedition in which the regular troops in that quarter are combined with such drafts of Militia as are deemed sufficient.

The disturbed situation of Europe, and particularly the critical posture of the great maritime powers, whilst it ought to make us more thankful for the general peace and security enjoyed by the United States, reminds us at the same time of the circumspection with which it becomes us to preserve these blessings. It requires also that we should not overlook the tendency of a war and even of preparations for a war, among the nations most concerned in active commerce with this country, to abridge the means, and thereby at least enhance the price of transporting its valuable productions to their proper markets. I recommend it to your serious reflection how far, and in what mode it may be expedient to guard against embarrassments from these contingencies by such encouragements to our own navigation as will render our commerce and agriculture less dependent on foreign bottoms [ships] which may fail us in the very moments most interesting to both of these great objects.

Your attention seems to be not less due to that particular branch of our trade which belongs to the Mediterranean. So many circumstances unite in rendering the present state of it distressful [i.e. the Barbary Pirates] to us that you will not think any deliberations misemployed which may lead to its relief and protection.

The laws you have already passed for the establishment of a judiciary system have opened the doors of justice to all descriptions of persons. You will consider in your wisdom, whether improvements in that system may yet be made, and particularly whether a uniform process of execution on sentences issuing from the Federal courts be not desirable through all the States.

The patronage of our commerce, of our merchants and seamen, has called for the appointment of consuls in foreign countries. It seems expedient to regulate by law the exercise of that jurisdiction and those functions which are permitted them, either by express convention, or by a friendly indulgence in the places of their residence…Some legislative provision is requisite to carry these stipulations into full effect.

The establishment of the Militia, of a mint, of standards of weights and measures, and of the Post Office and post roads are subjects which (I presume) you will resume of course, and which are abundantly urged by their own importance.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: the sufficiency of the revenues you have established for the objects to which they are appropriated leaves no doubt that the residuary provisions will be commensurate to the other objects for which the public faith stands now pledged. Allow me, moreover, to hope that it will be a favorite policy with you not merely to secure a payment of the interest of the debt funded, but, as far and as fast as growing resources of the country will permit, to exonerate it of the principal itself…And I am persuaded the sooner that valuable fund can be made to contribute along with other means to the actual reduction of the public debt, the more salutary will the measure be to every public interest, as well as the more satisfactory to our constituents.

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives: in pursuing the various and weighty business of the present session, I indulge the fullest persuasion that your consultations will be equally marked with wisdom, and animated by the love of your country. In whatever belongs to my duty, you shall have all the cooperation which an undiminished zeal for its welfare can inspire. It will be happy for us both, and our best reward, if by a successful administration of our respective trusts, we can make the established government more and more instrumental in promoting the good of our fellow citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment and confidence.

George Washington, Message to Congress Concerning the Seat of Government (January 24, 1791)

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives: In execution of the powers with which Congress were pleased to invest me by their Act entitled “An Act for Establishing the Temporary and Permanent Seat of the Government of the United States,” and on mature consideration of the advantages and disadvantages of the several positions, within the limits prescribed by the said Act, I have, by proclamation, bearing date this day…directed Commissioners, appointed in pursuance of the Act, to survey and limit part of the territory of ten miles square [Constitution (Article I, §8, clause 17] on both sides the river Potomac.

George Washington, Passport for Jean Pierre Blanchard (January 9, 1793)

[I recommend to the citizens of the United States that] …they oppose no hindrance or molestation to the said Mr. Blanchard: and that on the contrary, they receive and aid him with that humanity and good will which may render honor to their country and justice to an individual so distinguished by his efforts to establish and advance his art in order to make it useful to mankind in general.

George Washington, Second Inaugural Address (March 4, 1793)

I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of the United States.

This Oath I am now to take, and in your presence, that if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly, or knowingly, the injunction thereof, I may (besides incurring Constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.

George Washington, Proclamation of Neutrality (April 22, 1793)

Whereas it appears that a state of war exists between Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Great Britain, and the United Netherlands, on the one part, and France on the other; and the duty and interest of the United States require that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent powers.

I have therefore thought fit by these presents to declare the disposition of the United States to observe the conduct aforesaid towards those powers respectively; and to exhort and warn the citizens of the United States carefully to avoid all acts and proceedings whatsoever, which may in any manner tend to contravene such disposition.

…whosoever of the citizens of the United States shall render himself liable to punishment or forfeiture under the law of nations by committing, aiding, or abetting hostilities against any of the said powers, or by carrying to any of them those articles which are deemed contraband by the modern usage of nations, will not receive the protection of the United States against such punishment or forfeiture…I have given instructions to those officers to whom it belongs to cause prosecutions to be instituted against all persons who shall, within the cognizance of the courts of the United States, violate the law of nations with respect to the powers at war, or any of them.

George Washington, Proclamation (January 1, 1795) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

When we review the calamities which afflict so many other Nations, the present condition of the United States affords much matter of consolation and satisfaction. Our exemption hitherto from foreign war, an increasing prospect of the continuance of that exemption, the great degree of internal tranquility we have enjoyed, the recent confirmation of that tranquility by the suppression of an insurrection which so wantonly threatened it, the happy course of our public affairs in general, the unexampled prosperity of all classes of our Citizens—are circumstances which peculiarly mark our situation with indications of the Divine Beneficence towards us. In such a state of things it is, in an especial manner, our duty as a people, with devout reverence and affectionate gratitude, to acknowledge our many and great obligations to Almighty God and to implore him to continue and confirm the blessings we experience.

Deeply penetrated with this sentiment, I George Washington President of the United States do recommend to all Religious Societies and Denominations and to all persons whomsoever within the United States to set apart and observe Thursday the nineteenth day of February next as a day of public Thanksgiving and prayer; and on that day to meet together and render their sincere and hearty thanks to the great ruler of Nations for the manifold and signal mercies, which distinguish our lot as a Nation; particularly for the possession of Constitutions of Government which unite and by their union establish liberty with order, for the preservation of our peace foreign and domestic, for the seasonable control which has been given to a spirit of disorder in the suppression of the late insurrection, and generally for the prosperous course of our affairs public and private; and at the same time humbly and fervently to beseech the kind author of these blessings graciously to prolong them to us—to imprint on our hearts a deep and solemn sense of our obligations to him for them—to teach us rightly to estimate their immense value—to preserve us from the arrogance of prosperity and from hazarding the advantages we enjoy by delusive pursuits—to dispose us to merit the continuance of his favors, by not abusing them, by our gratitude for them, and by a correspondent conduct as citizens and as men—to render this Country more and more a safe and propitious asylum for the unfortunate of other Countries—to extend among us true and useful knowledge—to diffuse and establish habits of sobriety, order, morality, and piety and finally to impart all the blessings we possess, or ask for ourselves, to the whole family of mankind…

On the February 19 specified in the Proclamation, Washington attended services at Christ Church in Philadelphia. The sermon was delivered by William White, an Episcopal bishop. His sermon was later published and dedicated to the President. He observed of Washington as follows:

It cannot have escaped the notice of any, that, since your elevation to the seat of supreme Executive authority, you have, in your official capacity, on all fit occasions, directed the public attention to the Being and the Providence of God: And this implies a sense, as well of the relation, which nations, in their collective capacities, bear to him, their Supreme Ruler; as of the responsibility to him of earthly Governors, for the execution of the trusts committed to them….We have a right, to apply the testimony of such a character, as the result of an enlightened conscience; and to think it an advantage to our cause, to pronounce, that a mind, which has embraced all the civil interests of the American people, has not overlooked the relation which they all bear, to the great truths of religion and of morals.

He declared that Washington’s actions were entirely appropriate for the chief officer of the nation:

The time, Sir, may come…[when] it will be no small part of the praise of the chief magistrate of the present day, that, as a result of his own judgment and consistently with his own practice, he made acknowledgments, which are in contrariety to a theory, that sets open the flood-gates of immorality.

George Washington, To the Cabinet (March 25, 1796)

The resolution moved in the House of Representatives for the papers relative to the negotiation of the Treaty with Great Britain [the “Jay Treaty”] having passed in the affirmative, I request your opinion:

1. Whether that branch of Congress hath, or hath not a right, by the Constitution, to call for those papers?
2. Whether, if it does not possess the right, it would be expedient under the circumstances of this particular case, to furnish them?

And, in either case, in what terms would it be most proper to comply with, or to refuse the request of the House?

George Washington, Farewell Address (1796)

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great Pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that National morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. ‘Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free Government. Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric…

Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a People always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence…Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its virtue [Prov. 14:34]?…

Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend.

Letters

George Washington, To Robin (c. 1749-50)

As it’s the greatest mark of friendship and esteem absent friends can show each other in writing and often communicating their thoughts to his fellow companions makes me endeavor to signalize myself in acquainting you from time to time and at all times my situation and employments of life, and could wish you would take half the pains of contriving me a letter by any opportunity as you may be well assured of its meeting with a very welcome reception…

George Washington, To Richard Corbin (January 28, 1754)

In a conversation at Green Spring, you gave me some room to hope for a commission above that of a Major, and to be ranked among the chief officers of this expedition. The command of the whole forces is what I neither look for, expect, nor desire; for I must be impartial enough to confess it is a charge too great for my youth and inexperience to be entrusted with. Knowing this, I have too sincere a love for my country to undertake that which may tend to the prejudice of it. But if I could entertain hopes that you thought me worthy of the post of Lieutenant Colonel, and would favor me so far as to mention it at the appointment of officers, I could not but entertain a true sense of the kindness.

I flatter myself that under a skillful commander, or man of sense (which I most sincerely wish to serve under) with my own application and diligent study of my duty, I shall be able to conduct my steps without censure, and in time, render myself worthy of the promotion that I shall be favored with now.

George Washington, To John Augustine Washington (July 18, 1755)

As I have heard since my arrival at this place [Fort Cumberland], a circumstantial account of my death and dying speech, I take this early opportunity of contradicting both, and of assuring you that I [blank] of the living by the miraculous care of Providence that protected me beyond all human expectations. I had four bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under, and yet escaped unhurt.

George Washington, To Mary Ball Washington (August 14, 1755)

If it is in my power to avoid going to the Ohio again, I shall; but if the Command is pressed upon me by the gentle voice of the country, and offered upon such terms as can’t be objected against, it would reflect eternal dishonor upon me to refuse it…

George Washington, To John Campbell, Earl of Loudon (July 25, 1756)

We the Officers of the Virginia Regiment beg leave to congratulate your Lordship on your safe arrival in America, and to express the deep sense we have of his Majesty’s great wisdom and paternal care for his Colonies in sending your Lordship to their protection at this critical juncture.

Full of hopes that a perfect Union of the Colonies will be brought about by your Lordship’s wisdom and authority, and big with expectations of seeing the extravagant insolence of an insulting, subtle, and inhuman enemy restrained, and of having it in our power to take our desired revenge: we humbly represent to your Lordship that we were the first troops in action on the continent on occasion of the present broils, and that by several engagements and continual skirmishes with the enemy, we have to our cost acquired a knowledge of them, and of their crafty and cruel practices which we are ready to testify with the greatest cheerfulness and resolution whenever you are happy as to be honored with the execution of your Lordship’s commands.

George Washington, To John Blair (April 17, 1758) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

Common decency, Sir, in a camp calls for the services of a Divine; and which ought not to be dispensed with, although the world should be so uncharitable as to think us void of Religion, & incapable of good Instructions.

George Washington, To James Wood (c. July 28, 1758)

How I shall thank Mrs. Wood for her favorable wishes? And how acknowledge my sense of obligations to the people in general for their choice of me [to the House of Burgesses], I am at a loss to resolve on—but why—can I do it more effectually than by making their interests (as it really is) my own and doing everything that lies in my little power for the honor and welfare of the county—I think not—and my best endeavors they may always command—I promise this now, when promises may be regarded—before they might pass as words of course.

George Washington, To Richard Washington (September 20, 1759)

My brother is safe arrived but little benefitted in point of health by his trip to England. The longing desire which for many years I have had of visiting the great metropolis of that Kingdom [London] is not in the least abated by his prejudices because I think the small share of health he enjoyed while there must have given a sensible check to any pleasures he might figure to himself, and would render any place irksome—but, I am now tied by the leg and must set inclination aside.

The scale of fortune in America is turned greatly in our favor, and success is become the boon companion of our fortunate generals [in the French and Indian War]…

I am now, I believe, fixed at this seat with an agreeable consort for life, and hope to find more happiness in retirement than I ever experience amidst a wide and bustling world.

George Washington, To Robert Stewart (April 27, 1763)⁴ | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

I enclose you a copy of Mr. Cary’s last Acct currt against me, which upon my honor and the faith of a Christian is a true one…

George Washington, To Capel and Osgood Hanbury (July 25, 1767)

Unseasonable as it may be to take any notice of the repeal of the Stamp Act at this time; yet, I cannot help observing that a contrary measure would have introduced very unhappy consequences. Those therefore who wisely foresaw this, and were instrumental in procuring the repeal of it are, in my opinion, deservedly entitled to the thanks of the well-wishers to Britain and her Colonies, and must reflect with pleasure that through their means many scenes of confusion and distress have been avoided. Mine they accordingly have, and always shall have, for their opposition to any Act of Oppression, for that Act could be looked upon in no other light by every person who would view it in its proper colors. I could wish it was in my power to congratulate you with success in having the commercial system of these Colonies put upon a more enlarged and extensive footing than it is because I am well satisfied that it would, ultimately, redound to the advantages of the Mother Country so long as the Colonies pursue trade and agriculture, and would be an effectual let to manufacturing among themselves—the money therefore which they raise would center in Great Britain as certain as the needle will settle to the poles.

George Washington, To Robert Cary & Company (July 25, 1769)

But if there are any articles contained in either of the respective invoices (paper only excepted) which are taxed by Act of Parliament for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, it is my express desire and request that they may not be sent, as I have never heartily entered into an association…not to import any article which now is, or hereafter shall be taxed for this purpose until the said Act or Acts is repealed. I am therefore particular in mentioning this matter as I am fully determined to adhere religiously to it, and may perhaps have wrote for some things unwittingly which may be under these circumstances.

George Washington, To Jonathan Boucher (March 21, 1772)⁵ | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

Your excuse for denying us the pleasure of your company with Governor Eden and Lady, though not strictly warranted by Scripture [the Bible], is nevertheless highly admissible, and I sincerely congratulate you upon the prospect of happiness, as I think there is a fair field of it opening to your view from the judiciousness of your choice.

George Washington, To Benedict Calvert (April 3, 1773)

My son in law and ward, Mr. Custis, has, as I have been informed, paid his addresses to your second daughter, and having made some progress in her affections required her in marriage…This acknowledgement being made, you must permit me to add sir, that at this, or in any short time, his youth, inexperience, and un-ripened education is, and will be insuperable obstacles in my eye to the completion of the marriage—as his guardian, I conceive it to be my indispensable duty (to endeavor) to carry him through a regular course of education, many branches of which, sorry I am to add, he is totally deficient of, and, to guard his youth to a more advanced age before an event, on which his own peace, and the happiness of another is to depend, takes place. Not that I have any doubt of the warmth of his affection, nor I hope I may add, any fears of a change in them; but at present, I do not conceive that he is capable of bestowing that due attention to the important consequences of a marriage state which is necessary to be done by those who are inclined to enter into it, and of course am unwilling he should do it till he is—if the affection they have avowed for each other is fixed upon a solid basis, it will receive no diminution in the course of two or three years, in which time he may prosecute his studies, and thereby render himself more deserving of the lady and useful to society. If unfortunately (as they are both young) there should be an abatement of affection on either side or both, it had better precede, than follow after, marriage.

Delivering sentiments thus will not, I hope, lead you into a belief that I am desirous of breaking of the match—to postpone it is all I have in view, for I shall recommend it to the young gentleman with the warmth that becomes a man of honor (notwithstanding he did not vouchsafe to consult either his mother or me on the occasion) to consider himself as much engaged to your daughter as if the indissoluble knot was tied. And, as the surest means of effecting this, to stick close to his studies (in which I flatter myself you will join me) by which he will, in a great measure, avoid those little flirtations with other girls which may, by diving the attention, contribute not a little to divide the affection.

George Washington, To Burwell Bassett (April 20, 1773) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

That we sympathize in the misfortune, and lament the decree which has deprived you of so dutiful a Child, & the World of so promising a young Lady, stands in no need, I hope, of argument to prove; but the ways of Providence being inscrutable, and the justice of it not to be scanned by the shallow eye of humanity, nor to be counteracted by the utmost efforts of human Power, or Wisdom; resignation, &, as far as the strength of our reason & religion can carry us, a cheerful acquiescence to the d[iv]ine will is what we are to aim at: & I am persuaded that your own good sense will arm you with fortitude to withstand the stroke, great as it is and enable you to console Mrs. Bassett whose loss, & feelings upon the occasion, are much to be pitied.

George Washington, To George Muse (January 29, 1774)

A Warning Against Drunkenness

I would advise you to be cautious in writing me a second [letter] of the same tenor [impertinent], for though I understand you were drunk when you did it, yet give me leave to tell you that drunkenness is no excuse for rudeness; and that, but for your stupidity and sottishness [being drunk] you might have known by attending to the public Gazettes [newspapers] (particularly Rinds of the 14^th of January last) that you had your full quantity of ten thousand acres of land allowed you…and all my concerns is that I ever engaged in behalf of so ungrateful and dirty a fellow as you are…but since I find what temper you are, I am sorry I took the trouble of mentioning the land, or your name in a letter, as I do not think you merit the least assistance from G:Washington.

George Washington, To George William Fairfax (June 10-15, 1774)

Parliament and the Power of Taxation

Our Assembly met at this place the 4th ulto [previous month] according to prorogation [time between legislative sessions], and was dissolved the 26th entering into a resolve of which the enclosed is a copy, and which the Governor thought reflected too much upon his Majesty and the British Parliament to pass over unnoticed—this dissolution was as sudden, as unexpected for there were other resolves of a much more spirited nature ready to be offered to the House which would have been adopted respecting the Boston Port Bill as it is called, but were withheld till the important business of the country [Virginia] could be gone through. As the case stands, the Assembly sat the 22 days for nothing—not a bill being passed, the Council being adjourned from the rising of the court to the day of the dissolution and came either to advise, or in opposition to the measure. The day after this event, the members convened themselves at the Raleigh Tavern and entered into the enclosed association which, being followed two days after by an express from Boston accompanied by the sentiments of some meetings in our sister Colonies to the northward, the proceedings mentioned in the enclosed papers were had thereupon and a general meeting requested of all the late representatives in this city on the first of August when it is hoped and expected that some vigorous measures will be effectually adopted to obtain that justice which is denied to our petitions and remonstrances.

In short, the Ministry [British government] may rely on it that Americans will never be taxed without their own consent, that the cause of Boston and the despotic measures in respect to it I mean now is and ever will be considered as the cause of American (not that we approve their condition in destroying the tea) and that we shall not suffer ourselves to be sacrificed by piecemeal, though God only knows what is to become of us, threatened as we are with so many hovering evils as hang over us at present; having a cruel and bloodthirsty enemy upon our backs, the Indians, between whom and our frontier inhabitants many skirmishes have happened, and with whom a general war is inevitable whilst those from whom we have a right to seek protection are endeavoring by every piece of art and despotism to fix the shackles of slavery upon us—This dissolution which it is said, and believed, will not be followed by an election till instructions are received from the Ministry has left us without the means of defense except under the old Militia and Invasion laws, which are by no means adequate to the exigencies of the country, for from the best accounts we have been able to get, there is a confederacy of the Western and Southern Indians formed against us and our settlement over the Allegheny Mountains, indeed in Hampshire, Augusta, etc. are in the utmost consternation and distress. In short, since the first settlement of this Colony, the minds of the people in it never were more disturbed by our situation so critical as at present, arising as I have said before from an invasion of our rights and privileges by the Mother Country—and our lives and properties by the savages whilst a cruel frost succeeded by as cruel a drought hath contributed not a little to our unhappy situation…To these may be added, and a matter of no small moment they are, that a total stop is now put to our courts of justice (for want of a Fee Bill, which expired the 12th of April last) and the want of circulating cash amongst us, for shameful it is that the meeting of merchants which ought to have been at this place the 25th of April never happened till about 10 days ago, and I believe will break up in a manner very dissatisfactory to everyone, if not injurious to their characters.

George Washington, To Bryan Fairfax (July 4, 1774)

[I] think the country never stood more in need of men of abilities and liberal sentiments than now, I entreated several gentleman at our church yesterday to press Colonel Mason to take a poll, as I really think Major Broadwater, though a good man, might do as well in the discharge of his domestic concerns as in the capacity of a legislator.

As to your political sentiments, I would heartily join you in them, so far as relates to a humble and dutiful petition to the throne, provided there was the most distant hope of success. But have we not tried already? Have we not addressed the Lord, and remonstrated to the Commons? And to what end? Did they deign to look at our petitions? Does it not appear as clear as the sun in its meridian brightness that there is a regular, systematic plan formed to fix the right and practice of taxation upon us? Does not the uniform conduct of Parliament for some years past confirm this? Do not all the debates, especially though just brought to us in the House of Commons on the side of government, expressly declare that American must be taxed in aid of the British funds, and that she has no longer resources within herself? Is there anything to be expected from petition after this? Is not the attack upon the liberty and property of the people of Boston, before restitution of the loss to the India Company was demanded, a plan and self-evident proof of what they are aiming at? Do not the subsequent bills (now I dare say Acts) for depriving the Massachusetts Bay of its charter, and for transporting offenders into other colonies or to Great Britain for trial, where it is impossible from the nature of the thing that justice can be obtained convince us that the administration is determined to stick at nothing to carry its point? Ought we not then to put our virtue and fortitude to the severe test?

…[F]or I think, whilst we are accusing others of injustice, we should be just ourselves, and how this can be whilst we owe a considerable debt, and refuse payment of it to Great Britain is to me inconceivable. Notwithstanding but the last extremity, I think can justify it. Whether this is now come is the question.

George Washington, To Bryan Fairfax (July 20, 1774)

But as I see nothing on the one hand to induce a belief that the Parliament would embrace a favorable opportunity of Reaping Acts which they go on with great rapidity to pass in order to enforce their tyrannical system, and on the other observe, or think I observe, that government is pursuing a regular plan at the expense of law and justice to overthrow our constitutional rights and liberties, how can I expect any redress from a measure which hath been ineffectually tried already—for sir, what is it we are contending against? Is it against paying the duty of 3d per pound on teach because burdensome? No, it is the right only we have all along disputed, and to this end we have already petitioned his majesty in as humble and dutiful a manner as subjects could do, nay more we applied to the House of Lord and House of Commons in their different legislative capacities setting for that, as Englishmen, we could not be deprived of this essential and valuable part of our constitution…

The conduct of the Boston people could not justify the rigor of their measures, unless there had been a requisition of payment and refusal of it, nor did that measure require an Act to deprive the government of Massachusetts Bay of their charter, or to exempt offenders from trial in the place where offenses were committed, as there was not, nor could not be, a single instance produced to manifest the necessity of it—are not all these things self-evident proofs of a fixed and uniform plan to tax us?

…what hope then from petitioning, when they tell us that now, or never, is the time to fix the matter—shall we after this whine and cry for relief when we have already tried it in vain? Or shall we supinely sit, and see one province after another fall, a sacrifice to despotism?…because we should then be asking a favor, and not claiming a right which by the law of nature and our constitution we are, in my opinion, indubitably entitled to…I think the Parliament of Great Britain hath no more right to put their hands into my pocket without my consent than I have to put my hands into yours for money. And this being already urged to them in a firm, but decent manner by all the colonies, what reason is there to expect anything from their justice?

…I think, at least I hope, that there is public virtue enough left among us to deny ourselves everything but the bare necessaries of life to accomplish this end—this we have a right to do, and no power upon earth can compel us to do otherwise till they have first reduced us to the most abject state of slavery that ever was designed for mankind.

[I] should much distrust my own judgment upon the occasion if my nature did not recoil at the thought of submitting to measures which I think subversive of everything that I ought to hold dear and valuable—and did I not find, at the same time, that the voice of mankind is with me.

George Washington, To Bryan Fairfax (August 24, 1774)

[I] could only in general add that an innate spirit of freedom first told me that the measures which administration hath for sometime been, and now are, most violently pursuing, are repugnant to every principle of natural justice, whilst much abler heads than my own hath fully convinced me that it is not only repugnant to natural right, but subversive of the laws and constitution of Great Britain itself, in the establishment of which some of the best blood in the Kingdom hath been spilt. Satisfied then that the Acts of a British Parliament are no longer governed by the principles of justice—that it is trampling upon the valuable rights of Americans, confirmed to them by charter and the constitution they themselves boast of, and convinced beyond the smallest doubt that these measures are the result of deliberation, and attempted to be carried into execution by the hand of power is it a time to trifle, or rick our Cause upon petitions which with difficulty obtain access, and afterwards are thrown by with utmost contempt?

For my own part, I shall not undertake to say where the line between Great Britain and her colonies should be drawn, but I am clearly of opinion that one ought to be drawn, and our rights clearly ascertained. I could wish, I own, that the dispute had been left to posterity to determine, but the crisis is arrived when we must assert our rights, or submit to every imposition that can be heaped upon us, till custom and use will make us as tame and abject slaves as the blacks we rule over with such arbitrary sway.

…I am as fully convinced as I am of my existence that there has been a regular, systematic plan formed to enforce them [the unjust taxes], and that nothing but unanimity in the colonies (a stroke they did not expect) and firmness can prevent it…

George Washington, To Robert McKenzie (October 9, 1774)

[I] conceive when you condemn the conduct of the Massachusetts people, you reason from effects, not causes, otherwise you would not wonder at a people who are everyday receiving fresh proofs of a systematic assertion of an arbitrary power, deeply planned to overturn the laws and constitution of their country, and to violate the most essential and valuable rights of mankind, being irritated, and with difficulty restrained from acts of the greatest violence and intemperance.

…give me leave, my good friend, to tell you that you are abused [he was a citizen of Massachusetts]—grossly abused, and this I advance with a degree of confidence and boldness which may claim your belief. Having better opportunities of knowing the real sentiments of the people you are among from the leaders of them, in opposition to the present measures of administration than you have from those whose business it is not to disclose truths, but to misrepresent facts in order to justify as much as possible to the world their own conduct. For give me leave to add, and I think I can announce as fact, that it is not the wish or the interest of the government, or any other upon this continent, separately or collectively, to set up for Independence. But this you may at the same time rely on, that none of them will ever submit to the loss of those valuable rights and privileges which are essential to the happiness of every free state, and without which life, liberty, and property are rendered totally insecure.

…give me leave to add as my opinion that more blood will be spilt on this occasion (if the Ministry [British government] are determined to push matters to extremity) than history has ever yet furnished instances of in the annals of North America…

I was involuntarily lead into a short discussion of this subject by your remarks on the conduct of the Boston people, and your opinion of their wishes to set up for independency. I am well satisfied as I can be of my existence that no such thing is desired by any thinking man in all North America. On the contrary, that it is the ardent wish of the warmest advocates for liberty that peace and tranquility upon constitutional grounds may be restored, and the horrors of civil discord prevented.

George Washington, To John West (January 13, 1775)

[B]ut two things are essentially necessary in the man to whom this charge [being a father] is committed—a capacity of judging, with propriety, the measures proper to be taken in the government of a youth—and leisure sufficient to attend the execution of these measures…

[A]s it is not my wish to deceive any person by promising what I do not think it is in my power to perform with that punctuality and rectitude which I conceive the nature of the trust would require of me—I do not however give a flat refusal to your request—I rather wish you to be fully informed of my situation that you may think with me, or as I do, that if it should please the Almighty to take you to himself so soon as you apprehend (but I hope without just cause) that your son may be placed in better hands than mine—If you think otherwise, I will do the best I can merely as guardian.

George Washington, To John Connolly (February 25, 1775)

With us here, things wear a disagreeable aspect, and the minds of men are exceedingly disturbed at the measures of the British government. The King’s speech and address of both Houses [of Parliament] prognosticate nothing favorable to us, but by some subsequent proceedings thereto, as well as by private letters from London, there is reason to believe the Ministry [the British government] would willy change their ground, from a conviction the forcible measures will be inadequate to the end designed.

George Washington, To George William Fairfax (May 31, 1775)

[T]he times are so ticklish that there is no such thing as answering for the payment of bills. You must therefore either take the chance of receiving bad ones, or suffer your money to lay dead.

Before this letter can reach you, you must, undoubtedly, have received an account of the engagement [Lexington and Concord] in the Massachusetts Bay between the Ministerial [British] troops (for we do not, nor cannot yet prevail upon ourselves to call them the King’s troops) and the provincials of that government…

General Gage [British general] acknowledges that the detachment under Lieutenant Colonel Smith was set out to destroy private property, or, in other words, to destroy a magazine which self-preservation obliged the inhabitants to establish.

Unhappy it is thought to reflect that a brother’s sword has been sheathed in a brother’s breast, and that the once happy and peaceful plains of America are either to be drenched in blood or inhabited by slaves. Sad alternative! But can a virtuous man hesitate in his choice?

George Washington, To Martha Washington (June 18, 1775)

I am now set down to write to you on a subject which fills me with an inexpressible concern—and this concern is greatly aggravated and increased when I reflect on the uneasiness I know it will give you—It has been determined in Congress that the whole army raised for the defense of the American Cause shall be put under my care…

You may believe me my dear Patcy, when I assure you, in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seeking this appointment, I have used every endeavor in my power to avoid it, not only from my unwillingness to part with you and the family, but from a consciousness of its being a trust too great for my capacity, and that I should enjoy more real happiness and felicity in one month with you, at home, that I have the most distant prospect of reaping abroad, if my stay was to be seven times seven years. But, as it has been a kind of destiny that has thrown me upon this service, I shall hope that my undertaking of it is designed to answer some good purpose…

[I]t was utterly out of my power to refuse this appointment without exposing my character to such censures as would have reflected dishonor upon myself, and given pain to my friends…

I shall rely therefore, confidently, on that Providence which has heretofore preserved and been bountiful to me.

George Washington, To Burwell Bassett (June 19, 1775)

I am now embarked on a tempestuous ocean from whence, perhaps, no friendly harbor is to be found. I have been called upon by the unanimous voice of the Colonies to the Command of the Continental Army—It is an honor I by no means aspired to—It is an honor I wished to avoid, as well from an unwillingness to quite the peaceful enjoyment of my family as from a thorough conviction of my own incapacity and want of experience in the conduct of so momentous a concern…

May God grant therefore that my acceptance of it may be attended with some good to the common cause and without injury (from want of knowledge) to my own reputation—I can answer but for three things, a firm belief of the justice of our Cause—close attention in the prosecution of it—and the strictest integrity. If these cannot supply the places of ability and experience, the cause will suffer, and more than probable my character long with it, as reputation derives its principal support from success…I shall not be deprived therefore of a comfort in the worst event if I retain a consciousness of having acted to the best of my judgment.

George Washington, To John Augustine Washington (June 20, 1775)

I am embarked on a wide ocean, boundless in its prospect and from whence, perhaps, no safe harbor is to be found. I have been called upon by the unanimous voice of the Colonies to take the Command of the Continental Army—an honor I neither sought after, nor desired, as I am thoroughly convinced. That it requires greater abilities and much experience than I am master of to conduct a business so extensive in its nature and arduous in the execution, but the partiality of the Congress, joined to a political motive, really left me without a choice…

I shall hope that my friends will visit, and endeavor to keep up the spirits of my wife as much as they can, as my departure will, I know, be a cutting stroke upon her…

George Washington, To the Officers of Five Virginia Companies (June 20, 1775)

I have launched into a wide and extensive field, too boundless for my abilities, and far, very far beyond my experience—I am called by the unanimous voice of the Colonies to command of the Continental Army…

I have only to beg of you therefore…for an exertion of your military skill, by no means to relax in the discipline of your respective companies.

I am at liberty to inform you gentlemen that the Congress in a Committee (which will, I dare say be agreed to when reported) have consented to a Continental currency—ordered two millions of dollars to be struck, and voted 15,000 men…

George Washington, To Martha Washington (June 23, 1775)

I could not think of departing from it without dropping you a line, especially as I do not know whether it may be in my power to write again till I get to the camp at Boston—I go fully trusting that Providence which has been more bountiful to me than I deserve, and in full confidence of a happy meeting with you sometime in the Fall…

I retain an unalterable affection for you which neither time nor distance can change…

George Washington, To Richard Henry Lee (July 10, 1775)

Between you and me, I think we are in an exceeding [sic] dangerous situation, as our numbers are not much larger than we suppose from the best accounts we are able to get those of the enemy to be…

I can only promise and assure them [Congress] that my whole time is devoted to their service, and that as far as my judgment goes, they shall have no cause to complain.

George Washington, To John Augustine Washington (July 27, 1775)

I found a mixed multitude of people here [Cambridge, Massachusetts], under very little discipline, order, or government—I found the enemy in possession of a place called Bunkers Hill on Charlestown neck, strongly entrenched and fortifying themselves…My whole time since I came here has been employed in throwing up lines of defense at these three several places to secure in the first instance our own troops from any attempts of the enemy, and in the next to cut off all communication between their troops and the country, for to do this, and to prevent them from penetrating into the country with fire and sword, and to harass them if they do, is all that is expected of me, and if effected, must totally overthrow the designs of administration [of the British]…this renders our situation not very agreeable, though necessary, however, by incessant labor (Sundays not excepted [for the Sabbath]) we are in a much better posture of defense now than when we first came.

The enemy are sickly, and scarce of fresh provisions…In short, I have and shall continue to do everything in my power to distress them…Our works and those of the enemy are so near and quite open between that we everything that each other is doing—I recollect nothing more worth mentioning…

George Washington, To Thomas Gage (August 11, 1775)

Writing to a British General

Let your opinion, sir, of [American soldiers] be what it may, they suppose they act from the noblest of all principles, a love of freedom and their country. But political opinions I conceive are foreign to this point, the obligations arising from the rights of humanity and claims of rank are universally binding and extensive, except in case of retaliation. These, I should have hoped, would have dictated a more tender treatment of those individuals whom chance or war had put in your power—nor can I forbear suggesting its fatal tendency to widen the unhappy breach which you and those Ministers under whom you act [the British government] have repeatedly declared you wished to see forever closed.

My duty now makes it necessary to apprise you that for the future I shall regulate my conduct towards those gentlemen who are or may be in our possession exactly by the rule which you shall observe towards those of ours who may be in your custody. If severity and hardship mark the line of your conduct (painful as it may be to me) your prisoners will feel its effects. But if kindness and humanity are shown to ours, I shall with pleasure consider those in our hands only as unfortunate, and they shall receive the treatment to which the unfortunate are ever entitled.

George Washington, To Thomas Gage (August 19, 1775)

Writing to a British General

I remonstrated with you [in a previous letter] on the unworthy treatment shown to the officers and citizens of America, whom the fortune of war, chance, or a mistaken confidence had thrown into your hands. Whether British or American mercy, fortitude, and patience are most preeminent; whether our virtuous citizens whom the hand of tyranny has forced into arms to defend their wives, their children, and their property; or the mercenary instruments of lawless domination, avarice, and revenge best deserve the appellation of rebels, and the punishment of that cord which you affected clemency has forborne to inflict; whether the authority under which I act is usurped, or founded on the genuine principles of liberty, were altogether foreign to my subject. I purposely avoided all political disquisition, nor shall I now avail myself of those advantages which the sacred Cause of my country, of liberty, and human nature give me over you.

Not only your officers and soldiers have been treated with a tenderness due to fellow citizens and brethren, but even those execrable parricides whose counsels and aid have deluged their country with blood have been protected from the fury of a justly enraged people. Far from compelling or even permitting their assistance, I am embarrassed with the numbers who crowd to our camp animated with the purest principles of virtue and love of their country.

You affect, sir, to despise all rank not derived from the same source with your own. I cannot conceive any more honorable that that which flows from the uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people—the purest source and original fountain of all power. Far from making it a plea for cruelty, a mind of true magnanimity and enlarged ideas would comprehend and respect it.

May that God to whom you then appealed judge between America and you! Under his Providence, those who influence the councils of American, and all the other inhabitants of these united Colonies, at the hazard of their lives, are resolved to hand down to posterity those just and invaluable privileges which they received from their ancestors.

George Washington, To Colonel Benedict Arnold (September 14, 1775)

You are entrusted with a Command of the utmost Consequence to the Interest & Liberties of America: Upon your Conduct & Courage & that of the Officers and ⟨Soldiers⟩ detached on this Expedition, not only the Success of the present Enterprise & your own Honor, but the Safety and Welfare of the whole Continent may depend. I ⟨charge⟩ you therefore and the Officers & Soldiers ⟨under⟩ your Command as you value your own Safety and Honor, & the Favor and Esteem of your Country that you consider yourselves as marching not through an Enemies Country, but that of our Friends and Brethren, for such the Inhabitants of Canada & the Indian Nations have approved themselves in this unhappy Contest between Great Britain & America.

That you check by every Motive of Duty, and Fear of Punishment every Attempt to Plunder or insult any of the Inhabitants of Canada. Should any ⟨American Soldier be so base⟩ and infamous as ⟨to injure⟩ any Canadian or Indian in his Person or Property, I do most earnestly enjoin you to bring him to such severe & exemplary Punishment as the Enormity of the Crime may require. Should it extend to Death itself, it will not be disproportionate to its Guilt at such a Time and in such a Cause. But I hope and trust that the brave Men who have voluntarily engaged in this Expedition will be governed by different Views that Order, Discipline, & Regularity of Behavior⟩ will be as conspicuous as their Courage & Valor. I also give it in Charge to you to avoid all Disrespect or Contempt of the Religion of the Country and its Ceremonies—Prudence, Policy and a true Christian Spirit will lead us to look with Compassion upon their Errors without insulting them—While we are Contending for our own Liberty, we should be very cautious of violating the Rights of Conscience in others; ever considering that God alone is the Judge of the Hearts of Men and to him only in this Case they are answerable.

Upon the whole, Sir, I beg you to inculcate upon the Officers,1 the Necessity of preserving the Strictest Order during their March through Canada to represent to them ⟨the Shame & Disgrace⟩ and Ruin to themselves & Country if they should by their Conduct turn the Hearts of our Brethren in Canada against us. And on the other Hand the Honor and Rewards which await them, if by their Prudence, and good Behavior they conciliate the Affections of the Canadians & Indians to the great Interests of America, & convert those favorable Dispositions they have shewn into a lasting Union and Affection.

George Washington, Instructions to Colonel Benedict Arnold (September 14, 1775)

1. You are immediately on their March from Cambridge to take the Command of the Detachment from the Continental Army against Quebec, & use all possible Expedition as the Winter Season is now Advancing, and the Success of this Enterprise (under God) depends wholly upon the Spirit with which it is pushed, & the favorable Disposition of the Canadians & Indians…

4. In order to cherish those favorable Sentiments to the American cause that they have manifested you are as soon as you arrive in their Country to disperse a Number of the Addresses you will have with you,3 particularly in those Parts where your Rout shall lay, and observe the strictest Discipline & good Order, by no Means suffering any Inhabitant to be abused or in any Manner injured either in his Person or Property—punishing with exemplary Severity every Person who shall transgress & making ample Compensation to the Party injured.

5. You are to endeavor on the other Hand to conciliate the Affections of those People & such Indians as you may meet with by every Means in your Power—convincing them that we Come at the Request of many of their Principal People, not as Robbers or to make War upon them but as the Friends & Supporters of their Liberties as well as ours: And to give Efficacy to these Sentiments you must carefully inculcate upon the Officers & Soldiers under your Command that not only the Good of their Country & their Honor, but their Safety depends upon the Treatment of this People.

6. Check every Idea; & crush in its earliest Stage every Attempt to plunder even those who are known to be Enemies to our Cause, it will create dreadful Apprehensions in our Friends, and when it is once begun none can tell where it will Stop, I therefore again most expressly order that it be discouraged & punished in every Instance without Distinction…

14. As the Contempt of the Religion of a Country by ridiculing any of its Ceremonies or affronting its Ministers or Votaries has ever been deeply resented—You are to be particularly careful to restrain every Officer & Soldier from such Imprudence & Folly & to punish every Instance of it—On the other Hand as far as lays in your Power you are to protect & support the free Exercise of the Religion of the Country & the undisturbed Enjoyment of the Rights of Conscience in religious Matters with your utmost Influence & Authority[.]

George Washington, Address to the Inhabitants of Canada (September 14, 1775)

Friends and Brethren,

The unnatural Contest between the English Colonies and Great Britain, has now risen to such a Heighth [sic], that Arms alone must decide it. The Colonies, confiding in the Justice of their Cause, and the Purity of their Intentions, have reluctantly appealed to that Being, in whose Hands are all human Events. He has hitherto smiled upon their virtuous Efforts—The Hand of Tyranny has been arrested in its Ravages, and the British Arms which have shone with so much Splendor in every Part of the Globe, are now tarnished with Disgrace and Disappointment. Generals of approved Experience, who boasted of subduing this great Continent, find themselves circumscribed within the Limits of a single City and its Suburbs, suffering all the Shame and Distress of a Siege. While the trueborn Sons of America, animated by the genuine Principles of Liberty and Love of their Country, with increasing Union, Firmness and Discipline repel every Attack, and despise every Danger.

Above all, we rejoice, that our Enemies have been deceived with Regard to you—They have persuaded themselves, they have even dared to say, that the Canadians were not capable of distinguishing between the Blessings of Liberty, and the Wretchedness of Slavery; that gratifying the Vanity of a little Circle of Nobility—would blind the Eyes of the People of Canada. By such Artifices they hoped to bend you to their Views, but they have been deceived, instead of finding in you that Poverty of Soul, and Baseness of Spirit, they see with a Chagrin equal to our Joy, that you are enlightened, generous, and virtuous—that you will not renounce your own Rights, or serve as Instruments to deprive your Fellow Subjects of theirs. Come then, my Brethren, unite with us in an indissoluble Union, let us run together to the same Goal. We have taken up Arms in Defense of our Liberty, our Property, our Wives, and our Children, we are determined to preserve them, or die. We look forward with Pleasure to that Day not far remote (we hope) when the Inhabitants of America shall have one Sentiment, and the full Enjoyment of the Blessings of a free Government.

Incited by these Motives, and encouraged by the Advice of many Friends of Liberty among you, the Grand American Congress have sent an Army into your Province, under the Command of General Schuyler; not to plunder, but to protect you; to animate, and bring forth into Action those Sentiments of Freedom you have disclosed, and which the Tools of Despotism would extinguish through the whole Creation. To co-operate with this Design, and to frustrate those cruel and perfidious Schemes, which would deluge our Frontiers with the Blood of Women and Children; I have detached Colonel Arnold into your Country, with a Part of the Army under my Command—I have enjoined upon him, and I am certain that he will consider himself, and act as in the Country of his Patrons, and best Friends. Necessaries and Accommodations of every Kind which you may furnish, he will thankfully receive, and render the full Value. I invite you therefore as Friends and Brethren, to provide him with such Supplies as your Country affords; and I pledge myself not only for your Safety and Security, but for ample Compensation. Let no Man desert his Habitation—Let no one flee as before an Enemy. The Cause of America, and of Liberty, is the Cause of every virtuous American Citizen; whatever may be his Religion or his Descent, the United Colonies know no Distinction but such as Slavery, Corruption and arbitrary Domination may create. Come then, ye generous Citizens, range yourselves under the Standard of general Liberty—against which all the Force and Artifice of Tyranny will never be able to prevail.

George Washington, To William Woodford (November 10, 1775)

The best general advice I can give, and which I am sure you stand in no need of, is to be strict in your discipline; that is, to require nothing unreasonable of your officers and men, but see that whatever is required be punctually complied with. Reward and punish every man according to his merit, without partiality or prejudice. Hear his complaints; if well founded, redress them; if otherwise, discourage them in order to prevent frivolous ones.

Discourage vice in every shape, and impress upon the mind of every man, from the first to the lowest, the importance of the Cause, and what it is they are contending for.

Be plain and precise in your orders, and keep copies of them to refer to, that no mistakes may happen. Be easy and condescending in your deportment to your officers, but not too familiar, lest you subject yourself to a want of that respect which is necessary to support a proper command.

George Washington, To Lund Washington (November 26, 1775)

Let the hospitality of the house, with respect to the poor, be kept up. Let no one go hungry away—if any of these kind of people should be in want of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage them in idleness; and I have no objection your giving my money in charity to the amount of forty or fifty pounds a year when you think it well bestowed.

In all other respects, I recommend it to you, and have no doubt of your observing the greatest economy and frugality; as I suppose you know that I do not get a farthing for my services here more than my expenses; it becomes necessary therefore for me to be saving at home.

George Washington, To Joseph Reed (December 15, 1775)

I am much obliged to you for the hints contained in both of the above letters respecting the jealousies which you say are gone abroad. I have studiously avoided in all letters intended for the public eye—I mean for that of the Congress—every expression that could give pain or uneasiness—and I shall observe the same rule with respect to private letters further than appears absolutely necessary for the elucidation of fact, I cannot charge myself with incivility or, what in my opinion is tantamount, ceremonious civility, to the gentlemen of this colony [Massachusetts]. But if such my conduct appears, I will endeavor at a reformation, as I can assure you my dear Reed that I wish to walk in such a line as will give most general satisfaction.

The account which you have given of the sentiments of people respecting my conduct is extremely flattering—pray God I may continue to deserve them in the perplexed and intricate situation I stand in.

George Washington, To Joseph Reed (January 4, 1776)

We are length favored with a sight of his Majesty’s most gracious speech [declaring the colonies in rebellion], breathing sentiments of tenderness and compassion for his deluded American subjects. The echo is not yet come to hand, but we know what it must be, and as Lord North [the British Prime Minister] said, and we ought to have believed (and acted accordingly), we now know the ultimatum of British Justice.

It is easier to conceive than to describe the situation of my mind for some time past, and my feelings under our present circumstances. Search the vast volumes of history through and I much question whether a case similar to ours is to be found.

Thus it is that for more than two months past, I have scarcely emerged from one difficulty before I have plunged into another—how it will end God in his great goodness will direct, I am thankful for his protection to this time. We are told that we shall soon get the Army completed, but I have been told so many things which have never come to pass that I distrust everything.

George Washington, To Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Reed (January 14, 1776)

You cannot render a more acceptable service, nor in my estimation give me a more convincing proof of your friendship than by a free, open, and undisguised account of every matter relative to myself, or conduct. I can bear to hear of imputed, or real errors; the man who wishes to stand well in the opinion of others must do this, because he is thereby enabled to correct his faults, or remove the prejudices which are imbibed against him…

…for as I have but one capitol object in view, I could wish to make my conduct coincide with the wishes of mankind as far as I can consistently—I mean without departing from that great line of duty which, though hid under a cloud for some time from a peculiarity of circumstances may nevertheless bear a scrutiny.

Thus am I situated with respect to men—with regard to Arms I am yet worse of—before the dissolution of the old Army I issued an order directing three judicious men of each brigade to attend—review—and appraise the good arms of every regiment—and finding a very great unwillingness in to the men to part with their arms, at the same time, not having it in my power to pay them for the months of November and December, I threatened, severely, that every soldier who carried away his firelock without leave should never receive pay for those months…

Few people know the predicament we are in, on a thousand accounts—fewer still will believe, if any disaster happens to these lines from what causes it flows—I have often though how much happier I should have been if, instead of accepting of a command under such circumstances, I had taken my musket upon my shoulder and entered the ranks or, if I could have justified the measure to posterity and my own conscience, had retired to the back country and lived in a wigwam [Indian dwelling]—If I shall be able to rise superior to these, and many other difficulties which might be enumerated, I shall most religious believe that the finger of Providence is in it, to blind the eyes of our enemies, for surely if we get well through this month, it must be for want of their knowing the disadvantages we labor under.

George Washington, To Joseph Reed (January 31, 1776)

I hope my countrymen (of Virginia) will rise superior to any losses the whole navy of Great Britain can bring on them, and that the destruction of Norfolk, and threatened devastation of other places, will have no other effect that to unite the whole country in one indissoluble band against a nation which seems to be lost to every sense of virtue, and those feelings which distinguish a civilized people from the most barbarous savages. A few more of such flaming arguments as were exhibited at Falmouth and Norfolk, added to the sound doctrine, and unanswerable reasoning contained (in the Pamphlet) Common Sense, will not leave numbers at a loos to decide upon the propriety of a separation [US Independence].

George Washington, To Joseph Reed (February 1, 1776)

The men must be brought to face danger—they cannot always have an entrenchment, or a stone wall as a safe guard or shield—and it is of essential importance that the troops in Boston should be destroyed if possible before they can be reinforced or remove—this is clearly my opinion—whether circumstances will admit of the trial—and if tried what will be the event, the all-wise disposer [God] of them alone can tell.

The evils arising from short, or even limited enlistment of the troops are greater, and more extensively hurtful than any person (not an eyewitness to them) can form any idea of—it takes you two or three months to bring new men in any tolerable degree acquainted with their duty—it takes a longer time to bring a People of the temper, and genius of these into such a subordinate way of thinking as is necessary for a soldier…

George Washington, To John Hancock (February 9, 1776)

The disadvantages attending the limited enlistment of troops is too apparent to those who are eye witnesses of them to render any animadversions [criticism] necessary. But to gentlemen at a distance whose attention is engrossed by a thousand important objects, the case may be otherwise…

[T]hat we were not obliged at one time to dispute these [battle] lines under disadvantageous circumstances (proceeding from the same cause, to wit, the troops disbanding of themselves before the militia could be got in) is to me a matter of wonder and astonishment, and proves that General Howe was either unacquainted with our situation, or restrained by his instructions from putting anything to a hazard till his reinforcements should arrive.

To this may be added that you never can have a well-disciplined army. To bring men well acquainted with the duties of a soldier requires time—to bring them under proper discipline and subordination, not only requires time, but is a work of great difficulty, and in this army, where there is so little distinction between the Officers and soldiers requires an uncommon degree of attention—To expect then the same service from raw and undisciplined recruits as from veteran soldiers is to expect what never did, and perhaps never will happen—Men who are familiarized to danger meet it without shrinking, whereas as those who have never seen service often apprehend danger where no danger is.

Three things prompt men to a regular discharge of their duty in time of action: natural bravery, hope of reward, and fear of punishment—The two first are common to the untutored and the disciplined soldier, but the latter most obviously distinguishes the one from the other. A coward, when taught to believe that if he breaks his ranks and abandons his colors will be punished with death by his own party, will take his chance against the enemy. But the man who thinks little of the one and is fearful of the other acts from present feelings, regardless of consequences…

[F]rom experience, we find that as the time approaches for their [soldiers’] discharge, they grow careless of their arms, ammunition, camp utensils, etc. nay even the barracks themselves have felt uncommon marks of wanton depredation, and lays us under fresh trouble and additional expense in providing for every fresh set when we find it next to impossible to procure such articles as are absolutely necessary in the first instance…

To go into an enumeration of all the evils we have experienced in this late great change of the army—and the expense incidental to it—to say nothing of the hazard we have run, and must run, between the discharging of one army and enlistment of another (unless an enormous expense of militia is incurred) would greatly exceed the bounds of a letter what I have already taken the liberty of saying will serve to convey a general idea of the matter, and therefore I shall, with all due deference, take the freedom to give it as my opinion that if the Congress have any reason to believe that there will be occasion for troops another year, and consequently of another enlistment, they would save money and have infinitely better troops if they were, even at a bounty of twenty, thirty, or more dollars, to engage the men already enlisted (till January next) and such others as may be wanted to complete to the establishment for and during the war…

[T]he trouble and perplexity of disbanding the army and raising another at the same instance, and in such a critical situation as the last was, is scarcely in the power of words to describe, and such as no man who has experienced it once will ever undergo again.

If Congress should differ from me in sentiment upon this point, I have only to beg that they will do me the justice to believe that I have nothing more in view than what to me appears necessary to advance the public weal, although in the first instance it will be attended with a capital expense…

George Washington, To Joseph Reed (February 10, 1776)

I know that without men, without arms, without ammunition, without anything fit for the accommodation of a soldier that little is to be done—and, which is mortifying, I know that I cannot stand justified to the world without exposing my own weakness and injuring the cause by declaring my wants, which I am determined not to do further than unavoidable necessity brings every man acquainted with them—if under these disadvantages I am able to keep above water (as it were) in the esteem of mankind, I shall feel myself happy. But if from the known peculiarity of my circumstances I suffer in the opinion of the world, I shall not think you take the freedom of a friend if you conceal the reflections that may be cast upon my conduct. My own situation feels so irksome to me at times that, if I did not consult the public good more than my own tranquility, I should long e’re this have put everything to the cast of a dye—so far from having an army of 20,000 men well-armed, etc., I have been here with less than one half of it, including sick, furloughed, and on command, and those neither armed or clothed as they should be. In short, my situation has been such that I have been obliged to use art to conceal it from my own officers…I wish I could say that the troops here had altered much in dress or appearance—our regiments are little more than half complete and recruiting nearly at a stand…

I have been convinced by General Howe’s [the British general] conduct that he has neither been very ignorant of our situation (which I do not believe) or that he has received positive orders (which I think is natural to conclude) not to put anything to the hazard till his reinforcements arrive—otherwise, there has not been a time since the first of December that we must have fought like men to have maintained these lines, so great in their extent…

I am sorry to hear of the failures you speak of from France, but why will not Congress forward part of the power made in your province? They seem to look upon this as the season for action, but will not furnish the means—but I will not blame them—I dare say the demands upon them are greater than they can supply—the cause must be starved till our resources are greater, or more certain within ourselves.

With respect to myself, I have never entertained an idea of an accommodation since I heard of the measures which were adopted in consequences of the Bunker’s Hill fight. The King’s speech [in October 1775] has confirmed the sentiments I entertained upon the news of the affair—and, if every man was of my mind, the ministers of Great Britain should know, in a few words, upon what issue the cause should be put. I would not be deceived by artful declarations or specious pretenses—nor would I be amused by unmeaning propositions, but in open, undisguised, and manly terms proclaim our wrongs and our resolutions to be redressed. I would tell them that we had borne much—that we had long and ardently sought for reconciliation upon honorable terms—that it had been denied us—that all our attempts after peace had proved abortive and had been grossly misrepresented—that we had done everything that could be expected from the best of subjects—that the spirit of freedom beat too high in us to submit to slavery, and that, if nothing else would satisfy a tyrant and his diabolical minister, we were determined to shake of all connections with a state so unjust and unnatural. This would tell them not under covert, but in words as clear as the sun in its meridian brightness.

As to an attack upon Bunker Hill (unless it could be carried by surprise) the loss, I conceive, would be greater in proportion than at Boston, and if a defeat should follow would be discouraging to the men, but highly animating if crowned with success. Great good, or great evil, would consequently result from it. It is quite a different thing to what you left, being by odds the strongest fortress they possess, both in rear and front.

Would to Heaven the plan you speak of for obtaining arms may succeed—the acquisition would be great and give fresh life and vigor to our measures as would the arrival you speak of. Our expectations are kept alive, and if we can keep ourselves so, and spirits up another summer, I have no fears of wanting the needful after that.

I recollect nothing else worth giving you the trouble of unless you can be amused by reading a letter and poem addressed to me by Mrs. or Miss Phillis Wheatley. In searching over a parcel of papers the other day in order to destroy such as were useless, I brought it to light again—at first with a view of doing justice to her great poetical genius, I had a great mind to publish the poem, but not knowing whether it might not be considered rather as a mark of my own vanity than as a compliment to her, I laid it aside till I came across it again in the manner just mentioned.

George Washington, To Phillis Wheatley (February 28, 1776)

I thank you most sincerely for your polite notice of me in the elegant lines you enclosed, and however undeserving I may be of such encomium and panegyric [formal or elaborate praise], the style and manner exhibit a striking proof of your great poetical talents. In honor of which, as a tribute justly due to you, I would have published the poem had I not been apprehensive that, while I only meant to give the world this new instance of your genius, I might have incurred the imputation of vanity. This, and nothing else, determined me not to give it place in the public prints.

George Washington, To John Hancock (March 19, 1776)

It is with the greatest pleasure I inform you that on Sunday last, the 17^th instant, about 9 o’clock in the forenoon, the ministerial army [the British Army] evacuated the town of Boston, and that the forces of the United Colonies are now in actual possession thereof. I beg leave to congratulate you sir, and the honorable Congress—on this happy event, and particularly as it was effected without endangering the lives and property of the remaining unhappy inhabitants.

The town [Boston], although it has suffered greatly, is not in so bad a state as I expected to find it, and I have a particular pleasure in being able to inform you sir that your house has received no damage worth mentioning. Your furniture is in tolerable order, and the family pictures are all left entire and untouched.

George Washington, To the First Church of Woodstock (March 24, 1776)

Mr. Leonard is a man whose exemplary Life and Conversation, must make him highly esteemed by every person, who has the pleasure⟩ of being acquainted with him—the Congregation of Woodstock Know him well, it therefore Can be no Surprise to us, to hear that they will be Loth to part with him, his usefulness in this Army is great—he is employed in the glorious work of attending to the Morals, of a brave people who are fighting for their Liberties, the Liberties of the people of Woodstock, the Liberties of all America, We therefore hope—that Knowing how nobly he is employed—the Congregation of Woodstock will cheerfully give up to the public, a gentleman So very useful, and when by the blessing of a Kind providence this glorious and unparalleled Struggle for our Liberties, is at an end, We have not the Least doubt, but Mr. Leonard will with redoubled joy, be received in the open arms of a Congregation So very dear to him, as the good people of Woodstock are.

George Washington, To John Augustine Washington (March 31, 1776)

The want of arms, powder, etc. is not peculiar to Virginia—this country, of which doubtless you have heard such large and flattering accounts, is more deficient of each than you can conceive…Another thing has been done, which added to the above will put it in the power of this army to say what perhaps none other with justice ever could. We have maintained our ground against the enemy under the above want of powder—and we have disbanded one army and recruited another within musket shot of two and twenty regiments, the flower of the British army when our strength have been little if any superior to theirs, and, at last have beat them in a shameful and precipitate manner out of a place the strongest by nature on this continent, strengthened and fortified in the best manner, and at enormous expense.

[We] removed every material to the spot [Dorchester Heights near Boston] under cover of darkness, and took full possession of those heights without the loss of a single man. Upon their discovery of the works next morning, great preparations were made for attacking them, but not being ready before the afternoon and the weather getting very tempestuous, much blood was saved, and a very important blow (to one side of the other) prevented—that this remarkable interposition of Providence is for some wise purpose I have not a doubt, but as the principal design of the maneuver was to draw the enemy to an engagement under disadvantages as a premeditated plan was laid for this purpose and seemed to be succeeding to my utmost wish and as no men seemed better disposed to make the appeal than ours did upon that occasion, I can scarce forbear lamenting the disappointment, unless the dispute is drawing to an accommodation, and the sword going to be sheathed.

Beings than these wretched creatures now are—taught to believe that the power of Great Britain was superior to all opposition, and that foreign aid (if not) was at hand, they were even higher and more insulting in their opposition than the regulars—when the order issued therefore for embarking the troops in Boston, no electric shock, no sudden clap of thunder, in a word, the last trump could not have struck them with greater consternation, they were at their wits ends, and conscious of their black ingratitude chose to commit themselves in the manner I have above described to the mercy of the waves at a tempestuous season rather than meet their offended countrymen. But with this declaration, the choice was made that if they thought the most abject submission would procure them peace, they never would have stirred.

I believe I may, with great truth, affirm that no man perhaps since the first institution of armies every commanded one under more difficult circumstances than I have done—to enumerate the particulars would fill a volume—many of my difficulties and distresses were of so peculiar a cast that in order to conceal them from the enemy, I was obliged to conceal them from my friends, indeed from my own army, thereby subjecting my conduct to interpretations unfavorable to my character—especially by those at a distance who could not, in the smallest degree, be acquainted with the springs that governed it—I am happy however to find, and to hear from different quarters that my reputation stands fair—that my conduct hitherto has given universal satisfaction—the addresses which I have received, and which I suppose will be published from the general court of this colony (the same as our General Assembly) and from the selectmen of Boston upon the evacuation of the town and my approaching departure from the colony exhibits a pleasing testimony of their approbation of my conduct, and of their personal regard, which I have found in various other instances, and which, in retirement, will afford many comfortable reflections.

The share you have taken in these public disputes is commendable and praiseworthy—it is a duty we owe our country—a claim posterity has on us—it is not sufficient for a man to be a passive friend and well-wisher to the Cause. This, and every other cause of such nature, must inevitably perish under such an oppositions. Every person should be active in some department or other without paying too much attention to private interest. It is a great stake we are playing for, and sure we are of winning if the cards are well managed—inactivity in some—disaffection in others—and timidity in many may hurt the Cause-. Nothing else can, for unanimity will carry us through triumphantly in spite of every exertion of Great Britain, if linked together in one indissoluble band—this they know, and are practicing every stratagem which human invention can devise to divide us, and unite their own people. Upon this principle it is the restraining Bill is passed, and commissioners are coming over. The device to be sure is shall—the covering thin—but they will hold out to their own people that the Acts (complained of) are repealed, and commissioners sent to each colony to treat with us neither of which will we attend to, etc.—this upon weak minds among us will have its effect. They wish for reconciliation, or in other words, they wish for peace without attending to the conditions.

George Washington, To John Hancock (April 18, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

Agreeable to your request, I have communicated in General Orders to the Officers and Soldiers under my Command, the thanks of Congress for their good behavior in the Service; and am happy in having such an opportunity of doing justice to their merit—They were indeed, at first “a band of undisciplined Husbandmen” but it is (under God) to their bravery, and attention to their duty, that I am indebted for that success which has procured me the only reward I wish to receive—the affection, and esteem of my Countrymen.

George Washington, To John Hancock (July 14, 1776)

I would not upon any occasion sacrifice essentials to punctilio [non-essential/petty points], but in this instance [military matters], the opinion of others concurring with my own, I deemed it a duty to my country and my appointment to insist upon that respect which in any other than a public view I would willingly have waived. Nor do I doubt but from the supposed nature of the message and the anxiety expressed they will either repeat their flag or fall upon some mode to communicate the import and consequence of it.

George Washington, To Adam Stephen (July 20, 1776)

I thank you for your kind congratulations on the discovery of the vile machinations of still viler ministerial [British] agents. I hope the untimely fruit of their intentions will in the end recoil upon their own heads—all the measures heretofore projected, has done so I think, except in Canada, where an unaccountable find of fatality seems to have attended all our movements since the death of poor [General] Montgomery.

Our strength [will be] greatly inferior unless the new levies [of troops] come in much faster than they have done, which I hope will be the case as harvest will soon be over and that plea at an end.

I did not let the anniversary of the 3^rd or 9^th of this Instt [sic] pass of without a grateful remembrance of the escape we have at the meadows and on the banks of Monongahela. The same Providence that protected us upon those occasions will, I hope, continue his mercies, and make us happy instruments in restoring peace and liberty to this once favored, but now distressed country.

George Washington, To Lund Washington (August 19, 1776)

There is something exceedingly mysterious in the conduct of the enemy—Lord Howe [the British general] takes pains to throw out, upon every occasion, that he is the messenger of peace—that he wants to accommodate matters—nay, has insinuated that he thinks himself authorized to do it upon the terms mentioned in the last petition to the King of Great Britain. But has the nation got to that, that the King or his Ministers will openly dispense with Acts of Parliament—and if they durst attempt it, how is it to be accounted for that after running the nation to some millions of pounds sterling to hire and transport foreigners, and before a blow is struck, they are willing to give the terms proposed by Congress before they, or we, had encountered the enormous expense that both are now run to? I say, how is this to be accounted for but from their having received some disagreeable advices from Europe, or, by having some maneuver in view which is to be effected by procrastination? What this can be the Lord knows—we are now passed the middle of August and they are in possession of an island only, which it never was in our power or intention to dispute their landing on. This is but a small step towards the conquest of this continent.

George Washington, To Lund Washington (August 26, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

I, in behalf of the Noble cause we are engaged in, and myself, thank with a grateful Heart all those who supplicate the throne of grace for success to the one and preservation of the other. That being from whom nothing can be hid will, I doubt not, listen to our Prayers, and protect our Cause and the supporters of it, as far as we merit his favor and Assistance. If I did not think our struggle just, I am sure it would meet with no assistance from me—and sure I am that no pecuniary Satisfaction upon Earth can compensate the loss of all my domestic happiness and requite me for the load of business which constantly presses upon and deprives me of every enjoyment.

George Washington, To Colonel Fisher Gray (September 4, 1776) | See Quote Archive | George Washington on Religion

[T]he safety of the Army, and the good of the Cause depends, under God, upon our vigilance and Readiness to oppose a Crafty and enterprising enemy, who are always upon the watch to take advantages.

George Washington, To John Hancock (September 8, 1776)

In deliberating on this great question, it was impossible to forget that history—our own experience—the advice of our ablest friends in Europe—the fears of the enemy, and even the Declarations of Congress demonstrate that on our side the war should be defensive. It has been even called a war of posts, that we should on all occasions avoid a general action or put anything to the risqué unless compelled by a necessity into which we ought never to be drawn. The arguments on which such a system was founded were deemed unanswerable and experience has given her sanction—with these views, and being fully persuaded that it would be presumption to draw out our young troops into open ground against their superiors both in number and discipline, I have never spared the space and pick ax. I confess I have not found that readiness to defend even strong posts at all hazards which is necessary to derive the greatest benefit from them. The honor of making a brave defense does not seem to be a sufficient stimulus when the success is very doubtful and the falling into the enemy’s hands probable. But I doubt not this will be gradually attained. We are now in a strong post but not an impregnable one, nay acknowledged by every man of judgment to be untenable unless the enemy will make the attack upon lines when they can avoid it and their movements indicate that they mean to do so…

George Washington, To John Augustine Washington (September 22, 1776)

With respect to the attack and retreat from Long Island, the public papers would furnish you with accounts nearly true. I shall only add that in the former we lost about 800 men, more than three fourths of which were taken prisoners…As to the retreat from the island, under the circumstances we then were, it became absolutely necessary, and was effected without loss of men, and with but very little baggage. A few heavy cannon were left, not being moveable, on account of the grounds being soft and miry through the heavy and incessant rains which had fallen. The enemy’s loss in killed we could never ascertain, but have many reasons to believe that it was pretty considerable and exceeded ours a good deal—our retreat from thence as I said before was absolutely necessary, the enemy having landed the main body of their army to attack us in front while their ships of war were to cut off all communication with the city, from whence resources of men, provisions, etc. were to be drawn… The retreat was made with the loss of a few men only—we encamped, and still are on, the heights of Harlem which are well calculated for defense against their [the British] approach.

The dependence which the Congress has placed upon the Militia has already greatly injured—and I fear will totally ruin our Cause—being subject to no control themselves they introduce disorder among the troops you have attempted to discipline while the change in their living brings on sickness—this makes them impatient to get home, which spreads universally and introduces abominable desertions—in short, it is not in the power of words to describe the task I have to act. £50,000 should not induce me again to undergo what I have done—our numbers by sickness, desertion, etc. is greatly reduced—I have been trying these 4 or 5 days to get a return, but have not yet succeeded—I am sure however we have not more than 12 or 14,000 men fit for duty, whilst the enemy (who it is said are very healthy) cannot have less than near 25,000.

George Washington, To Lund Washington (September 30, 1776)

The amazement which you seem to be in at the unaccountable measures which have been adopted by [blank] would be a good deal increased if I had time to unfold the whole system of their management since this time twelve months. I do not know how to account for the unfortunate steps which have been taken but from that fatal idea of conciliation which prevailed so long—fatal, I call it, because from my soul I wish it may not prove so, though my fears lead me to think there is too much danger of it. This time last year I pointed out the evil consequences of short enlistments, the expenses of militia, and the little dependence that was placed in them. I assured [blank] that the longer they delayed raising a standing army, the more difficult and chargeable would they find it to get one, and that, at the same time that the militia would answer no valuable purpose, the frequent calling them in would be attended with an expense that they could have no conception of. Whether, as I have said before, the unfortunate hope of reconciliation was the cause, or the fear of a standing army prevailed, I will not undertake to say. But the policy was to engage men for twelve months only. The consequence of which you have had great bodies of militia pay that never were in camp, you have had immense quantities of provisions drawn by men that never rendered you one hour’s service (at least usefully), and this in the most profuse and wasteful way. Your stores have been expended, and every kind of military destroyed by them; your numbers fluctuating, uncertain, and forever far short of report—at no one time, I believe, equal to twenty thousand men fit for duty.

In short, such is my situation that if I were to wish the bitterest curse to an enemy on this side of the grave, I should put him in my stead with my feelings, and yet I do not know what plan of conduct to pursue. I see the impossibility of serving with reputation or doing any essential service to the cause by continuing in command, and yet I am told that if I quit the command, inevitable ruin will follow from the distraction that will ensue. In confidence, I tell you that I never was in such an unhappy, divided state since I was born. To lose all comfort and happiness on the one hand, whilst I am fully persuaded that under such a system of management as has been adopted, I cannot have the least chance for reputation, nor those allowances made which the nature of the case requires, and to be told, on the other, that if I leave the service all will be lost is, at the same time that I am bereft of every peaceful moment, distressing to a degree. But I will be done with the subject, with the precaution to you that it is not a fit one to be publicly known or discussed. If I call, it may not be amiss that these circumstances be known, and declaration made in credit to the justice of my character. And if the men will stand by me (which by the by I despair of), I am resolved not to be forced from this ground while I have life, and a few days will determine the point, if the enemy should not change their plan of operations…I am wearied to death all day with a variety of perplexing circumstances—disturbed at the conduct of the militia, whose behavior and want of discipline has done great injury to the other troops, who never had officers, except in a few instances, worth the bread they eat. My time, in short, is so much engrossed that I have not leisure for corresponding, unless it is on mere matters of public business.

George Washington, To John Hancock (December 5, 1776)

At any event, the enemy’s progress may be retarded by this means if they intend to some on, and the people’s fears in some measure quieted if they do not.

These among ten thousand other instances might be adduced to show the disadvantages of short enlistments and the little dependence upon militia in times of real danger. But as yesterday cannot be recalled, I will not dwell upon a subject which no doubt has given much uneasiness to Congress, as well as extreme pain and anxiety to myself. My first wish is that Congress may be convinced of the impropriety of relying upon the militia, and of the necessity of raising a larger standing army than what they have voted. The saving in the article of stores, provisions, and in a thousand other things by having nothing to do with militia unless in cases of extraordinary exigency, and such as could not be expected in the common course of events, would amply support a large army which, well officered, would be daily improved instead of continuing a destructive, expensive, disorderly mob.

When I reflect on the losses we have sustained for want of good troops, the certainty of this is placed beyond a doubt in my mind. In such case, the militia, who have been harassed and tired by repeated calls upon them, and farming and manufactures in a manner suspended, would upon any pressing emergency have run with alacrity to arms. Whereas the cry now is they may be as well ruined in one way as another, and with difficulty are obtained. I mention these things to show that in my opinion if any dependence is placed in the militia another year, Congress will be deceived. When danger is a little removed from them, they will not turn out at all—what it comes home to ‘em, the well affected, instead of flying to arms to defend themselves, are busily employed in removing their families and effects whilst the disaffected are concerting measures to make their submission and spread terror and dismay all around to induce others to follow the example. Daily experience and abundant proofs warrant this information.

George Washington, Lund Washington (December 10, 1776)

Hurried as I am, and distressed by a number of perplexing circumstances, I will write you a few lines in acknowledgement of your letters…I wish to Heaven it was in my power to give you a more favorable account of our situation than it is—our numbers, quite inadequate to the task of opposing that part of the army under the command of General Howe [the British General], being reduced by sickness, desertion, and political deaths (on and before the first instant, and having no assistance from the militia) were obliged to retire before the enemy, who were perfectly well informed of our situation till we came to this place, where I have no idea of being able to make a stand, as my numbers, ‘til joined by the Philadelphia militia, did not exceed 3,000 men fit for duty—now we may be about 5,000 to oppose Howe’s whole army, that part of it excepted which said under the command of General Clinton. I tremble for Philadelphia, nothing in my opinion but General Lee’s speedy arrival, who has been long expected, though still at a distance (with about 3,000 men) can save it…but it is next to impossible to guard a shore of 60 miles with less than half the enemy’s numbers…

I think if there can be any possible shift made without buying linen for the negroes at the enormous price you speak of, it ought to be attempted, as the price is too heavy to be borne with (if it be possible to avoid it) without making the poor negroes suffer too much—this I would not do to save any expense, as they certainly have a just claim to their victuals [food stores] and clothes, if they make enough to purchase them…

[W]e have prevented them [the British] from crossing, but how long we shall be able to do it, God only knows, as they are still hovering about the river, and if everything else fails, will wait till the first of January when their will be no other men to oppose them but militia, none of which but those from Philadelphia mentioned in the first part of this letter are yet come…The unhappy policy of short enlistments, and a dependence upon militia will, I fear, prove the downfall of our cause, though early pointed out with an almost prophetic spirit.

Our Cause has also received a severe blow in the captivity of General Lee—unhappy man! Taken by his own imprudence!…A large part of the Jerseys have given every proof of disaffection that a people can do, and this part of Pennsylvania are equally inimical. In short, your imagination can scarce extend to a situation more distressing than mine—our only dependence now is upon the speedy enlistment of a new army. If this fails us, I think the game will be pretty well up, as from disaffection, and want of spirit and fortitude, the inhabitants instead of resistance are offering submission, and taking protections from General Howe in Jersey.

George Washington, To John Hancock (December 27, 1776)

I have the pleasure of congratulating you upon the success of an enterprise which I had formed against a detachment of the enemy lying in Trenton, and which was executed yesterday morning [the Battle of Trenton]. The evening of the 25th I ordered the troops intended for this service to parade back of McKonkey’s Ferry, that they might begin to pass as soon as it grew dark, imagining we should be able to throw them all over with the necessary artillery by 12 o’clock, and that we might easily arrive at Trenton by five in the morning, the distance being about nine miles. But the quantity of ice made that night impeded the passage of boats so much that it was three o’clock before the artillery could all be got over, and near four before the troops took up their line of march. This made me despair of surprising the town, as I well knew we could not reach it before the day was fairly broke, but as I was certain there was no making a retreat without being discovered and harassed on repassing the river, I determined to push on at all events…I ordered each of them, immediately upon forcing the out guards, to push directly into the town, that they might charge the enemy before they had time to form.

We presently saw their main body formed, but from their motions, they seemed undetermined to act [the Hessian soldiers]. Being hard pressed by our troops who had already got possession of part of their artillery, they attempted to file off by a road on their right leading to Princetown, but perceiving their intention, I threw a body of troops in their way which immediately checked them. Finding from our disposition that they were surrounded, and that they must inevitably be cut to pieces if they made any further resistance, they agreed to lay down their arms. The number that submitted in this manner was 23 officers and 886 men.

In justice to the officers and men, I must add that their behavior upon this occasion reflects the highest honor upon them. The difficulty of passing the river in a very severe night, and their march through a violent storm of snow and hail, did not in the last abate their ardor. But when they came to the charge, each seemed to vie with the other in pressing forward, and were I to give a preference to any particular corps, I should do great injustice to the others.

George Washington, To the Executive Committee of the Continental Congress: Robert Morris, George Clymer, and George Walton (January 1, 1777)

The accounts you give me in yours of the 28th ulto [of December] of the good effects that are likely to flow from our success at Trenton add not a little to the satisfaction I have felt on that occasion. You are pleased to pay me many personal compliments, as if the merit of that affair was due solely to me. But I assure you, the other general officers who assisted me in the plan and execution have full as good a right to your encomiums [praises] as myself. We are devising such measures as I hope, if they succeed, will add as much or more to the distress of the enemy than their defeat at Trenton, and I promise myself the greatest advantages from having engaged a number of the eastern troops to stay six weeks beyond their time of enlistment, upon giving a bounty of ten dollars.

If proper pains are taken to convince them [the Hessian prisoners from the Battle of Trenton] how preferable the situation of their countrymen [the Germans in America], the inhabitants of those counties is to theirs, I think they may be sent back in the spring, so fraught with a love of liberty and property too, that they may create a disgust to the service among the remainder of the foreign troops and widen that breach which is already opened between them and the British.

Yours of the 31st of last month encloses me sundry resolves of Congress, by which I find they have done me the honor to entrust me with powers, in my military capacity, of the highest nature, and almost unlimited in extent. Instead of thinking myself freed from all civil obligations by this mark of their confidence, I shall constantly bear in mind that as the sword was the last resort for the preservation of our liberties, so it ought to be the first thing laid aside when those liberties are firmly established. I shall instantly set about making the most necessary reforms in the army, but it will not be in my power to make so great a progress as if I had a little leisure time upon my hands.

George Washington, To Benedict Arnold (April 2, 1777)

It is needless for me to say much upon a subject, which must undoubtedly give you a good deal of uneasiness. I confess I was surprised when I did not see your name in the list of Major Generals, and was so fully of opinion that there was some mistake in the matter that I (as my recollect) desired you not to take any hasty step before the intention of Congress was fully known.

Besides, public bodies are not amenable for their actions. They place and displace at pleasure, and all the satisfaction that an individual can obtain, when he is overlooked, is, if innocent, a consciousness that he has not deserved such treatment for his honest exertions. Your determination not to quit your present command, while any danger to the public might ensure from your leaving it, deserves my thanks, and justly entitles you to the thanks of your country.

George Washington, To Edmund Pendleton (April 12, 1777)

Your friendly, and affectionate wishes for my health and success has a claim to my thankful acknowledgements—and, that the God of Armies may enable me to bring the present contest to a speedy and happy conclusion, thereby gratifying me in a retirement to the calm and sweet enjoyment of domestic happiness, is the fervent prayer, and most ardent wish of my Soul.

George Washington, To John Hancock (September 11, 1777)

I am sorry to inform you that in this day’s engagement, we have been obliged to leave the enemy masters of the field. Unfortunately, the intelligence received of the enemy’s advancing upon the Brandywine and crossing at a ford about six miles above us was uncertain and contradictory, notwithstanding all my pains to get the best. This prevented my making a disposition adequate to the force with which the enemy attacked us on the right, in consequence of which the troops first engaged, were obliged to retire before they could be reinforced.

But though we fought under many disadvantages, and were from the causes above mentioned obliged to retire, yet our loss of men is not, I am persuaded, very considerable; I believe much less than the enemy’s.

Notwithstanding the misfortune of the day, I am happy to find the troops in good spirits, and I hope another time we shall compensate for the losses now sustained. The Marquis [de] Lafayette was wounded in the leg, and General Woodford in the hand.

George Washington, To Brigadier General Thomas Nelson (September 27, 1777)

Here I must remark, that our distress for want of Shoes, is almost beyond conception and that from this circumstance our operations and pursuit have been impracticable. I am taking every measure to obtain a Supply, and I hope to be able to move in a Short time especially when we are Joined by some Reinforcements that are coming on, and that under the favor of heaven, Our affairs will assume a more agreeable Aspect, than they now have.

George Washington, To Richard Henry Lee (October 16, 1777)

But, sir, if there is any truth in a report which has been handed to me, viz. that Congress hath appointed, or, as other say, are about to appoint, Brigadier Conway a Major General in this army, it will be as unfortunate a measure as ever was adopted. I may add (and I think with truth) that it will give a fatal blow to the existence of the army. Upon so interesting a subject, I must speak plan: the duty I owe my country, the ardent desire I have to promote its true interests, and justice to individuals requires this of me.

General Conway’s merit, then, as an officer, and his importance in this army, exists more in his own imagination than in reality. For it is a maxim with him to leave no service of his own untold, nor to want anything which is to be obtained by importunity. But, as I do not mean to detract from him any merit he possess, and only wish to have the matter taken up upon its true ground after allowing him everything that his warmest friends will content for, I would ask, why the youngest Brigadier in the service (for I believe he is so) should be put over the heads of all the eldest?

In a word, the service is so difficult, and every necessary so expensive, that almost all our officers are tired out. Do not, therefore, afford them good pretexts for retiring. No day passes over my head without application for leave to resign.

I must therefore conjure you to conjure Congress to consider this matter well, and not by a real act of injustice compel some good officers to leave the service, and thereby incur a train of evils unforeseen and irremediable.

To sum up the whole, I have been a slave to the service. I have undergone more than most men are aware of to harmonize so many discordant parts. But it will be impossible for me to be of any further service if such insuperable difficulties are thrown in my way.

You may believe me, my good sir, that I have no earthly views but the public good in what I have said.

George Washington, To John Augustine Washington (October 18, 1777)

The anxiety you have been under on account of this army I can easily conceive. Would to God there had been less cause for it, or that our situation at present was such as to promise much from it…But Providence, or some unaccountable something, designed it otherwise, for after we had driven the enemy a mile or two, after they were in the utmost confusion, and flying before us in most places after we were upon the point (as it appeared to everybody) of grasping a complete victory, our own troops took fright and fled with precipitation and disorder. How to account for this I know not, unless, as I before observed, the fog represented their own friends to them for a reinforcement of the enemy as we attacked in different quarters at the same time, and were about closing the wings of our army when this happened…In a word, it was a bloody day. Would to Heaven I could add that it had been a more fortunate one for us.

Our distress on account of clothing is great, and in a little time must be very sensibly felt, unless some expedient can be hit upon to obtain them…I am doing all I can in my present situation to save them, God only knows which will succeed.

I very sincerely congratulate you on the change in your family. Tell the young couple, after wishing them joy of their union, that it is my sincere hope that it will be as happy and lasting as their present joys are boundless…P.S. I had scarce finished this letter when by express from the State of New York I received the important and glorious news which follows. I most devoutly congratulate you, my country, and every well-wisher to the Cause on this signal stroke of Providence.

George Washington, To Israel Putnam (October 19, 1777)⁶

The defeat of General Burgoyne is a most important event, and such as must afford the highest satisfaction to every well affected American breast. Should providence be pleased to crown our Arms in the course of the Campaign, with one more fortunate stroke, I think I shall have no great cause for anxiety respecting the future designs of Britain. I trust all will be well in his good time…I am extremely sorry for the death of Mrs. Putnam and Sympathize with you upon the occasion. Remembering that all must die, and that she had lived to an honorable age, I hope you will bear the misfortune with that fortitude and complacency of mind, that become a Man and a Christian.

George Washington, To Thomas Conway (November 5, 1777)

Sir: A letter which I received last night contained the following paragraph.

In a letter from General Conway to General Gates he says: ‘Heaven has been determined to save your country, or a weak General and bad counselors would have ruined it.’

I am sir your humble servant.

George Washington, To Henry Laurens (December 23, 1777)

[F]resh and more powerful reasons oblige me to add that I am now convinced, beyond a doubt, that unless some great and capital change suddenly takes in that line, this army must inevitably be reduced to one or other of these three things: starve, dissolve, or disperse in order to obtain subsistence in the best manner they can. Rest assured sir, this is not an exaggerated picture, but that I have abundant reason to support what I say.

All I could do under these circumstances was to send out a few light parties to watch and harass the enemy, whilst other parties were instantly detached different ways to collect, if possible, as such provision as would satisfy the present pressings wants of the soldiery. But will this answer? No sir. Three or four days bad weather would prove our destruction. What then is to become of the army this winter? And if we are as often without provisions now, as with it, what is to become of us in the spring when our force will be collected with the aid perhaps of Militia, to take advantage of an early campaign before the enemy can be reinforced? These are considerations of great magnitude, meriting the closest attention, and will, when my own reputation is not intimately connected, and to be affected by the event, justify me saying that the present commissaries are by no means equal to the execution of that the disaffection of the people is past all belief.

The misfortune, however, does in my opinion proceed from both causes, and though I have been tender heretofore of giving any opinion or lodging complaints, as the change in that department took place contrary to my judgment, and the consequences thereof were predicted. Yet, finding that the inactivity o the Army, whether for want of provisions, clothes, or other essentials, is charged to my account, not only by the common vulgar, but those in power, it is time to speak plain in exculpation of myself. With truth then I can declare that no man, in my opinion, ever had his measures more impeded than I have, by every department of the Army. Since the month of July, we have had no assistance from the Quarter Master General, and to want of assistance from this department, the Commissary General charges great part of his deficiency. To this I am to add that notwithstanding it is a standing order (and often repeated) that the troops shall always have two days provisions by them, that they may be ready at any sudden call, yet no opportunity has scarce ever yet happened of taking advantage of the enemy that has not been either totally obstructed or greatly impeded on this account, and this though the great and crying evil is not all…at the same time as a further proof of the inability of an Army under the circumstances of this to perform the common duties of soldiers…we have, by a field return this day made no less than 2,898 men now in camp unfit for duty because they are bare foot and otherwise naked, and by the same return it appears that our whole strength in continental troops…exclusive of the Maryland troops sent to Wilmington, amount to no more than 8,200 in cap fit for duty.

I can assure those gentlemen that it is a much easier and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room by a good fireside than to occupy a cold, bleak hill and sleep under frost and snow without clothes or blankets. However, although they seem to have little feeling for the naked and distressed soldier, I feel superabundantly for them, and from my soul pity those miseries which it is neither in my power to relieve or prevent. It is for these reasons therefore I have dwelt upon the subject, and it adds not a little to my other difficulties and distress to find that much more is expected of me than is possible to be performed, and that upon the ground of safety and policy, I am obliged to conceal the true state of the Army from public view and thereby expose myself to detraction and calumny…

I much doubt the practicability of holding the Army together much longer. In this I shall probably be thought more sincere when I freely declare that I do not myself expect to derive the smallest benefit from any establishment that Congress may adopt, otherwise than as a member of the community at large in the good which I am persuaded will result from the measure by making better officers and better troops, and second to point out the necessity of making the appointments, arrangements, etc. without loss of time. We have not more than 3 months to prepare a great deal of business in. If we let these slip or waste, we shall be laboring under the same difficulties all next campaign as we have done this, to rectify mistakes and bring things to order. Military arrangements and movements in consequence, like the mechanism of a clock, will be imperfect and disordered by the want of a part…in fine [conclusion], everything depends upon the preparation that is made in the several departments in the course of this winter, and the success or misfortunes of next campaign will more than probably originate with our activity or supineness [sic] this winter.

George Washington, To Henry Laurens (January 2, 1778)

If General Conway means, by cool receptions mentioned in the last paragraph of his letter of the 31^st, that I did not receive him in the language of a warm and cordial friend, I readily confess the charge. I did not, nor shall I ever, till I am capable of the arts of dissimulation [to hide under a false appearance]. These I despise, and my feelings will not permit me to make professions of friendship to the man I deem my enemy, and whose system of conduct forbids it. At the same time, truth authorizes me to say that he was received and treated with proper respect to his official character, and that he has had no cause to justify the assertion that he could not expect any support for fulfilling the duties of his appointment.

George Washington, To Horatio Gates (January 4, 1778)

[Quoting Colonel Wilkinson]: ‘Heaven has been determined to save your country, or a weak general [referring to Washington] and had counselors would have ruined it.’ Lord Stirling from motives of friendship transmitted the account with this remark: ‘The enclosed was communicated by Colonel Wilkinson to Major McWilliams, such wicked duplicity of conduct I shall always think it my duty to detect.’…so desirous was I of concealing e very matter that could, in its consequences, give the smallest interruption to the tranquility of this army, or afford a gleam of hope to the enemy by dissentions therein.

Thus sir, with an openness and candor which I hope will even characterize and mark my conduct have I complied with your request. The only concern I feel upon the occasion (finding how matters stand) is that in doing this, I have necessarily been obliged to name a gentleman whom I am persuaded…thought he was rather doing an act of justice than committing an act of infidelity…much less did I suspect that I was the subject of your confidential letters. Pardon me then for adding that so far from conceiving that the safety of the States can be affected or in the smallest degree injured by a discovery of this kind, or that I should be called upon in such solemn terms to point out the author, that I considered the information as coming from yourself, and given with a friendly view to forewarn and consequently forearm me against a secret enemy; or, in other words, a dangerous incendiary, in which character, sooner or later, this country will know General Conway.

George Washington, To William Howe (January 30, 1778)

It is unnecessary to enter minutely into its [Howe’s letter] contents; since the enclosed Resolutions of Congress will show you that the matter is now put upon a footing different from that mentioned by Mr. Boudinot [concerning prisoner transfers]; which, at the same time, you will be pleased to consider as final and decisive, and to regulate your measures accordingly.

There is one passage of your letter which I cannot forbear taking particular notice of. No expression of personal politeness to me can be acceptable, accompanied by reflections on the representatives of a free people under whose authority I have the honor to act. The delicacy I have observed in refraining from everything offensive in this way entitled me to expect a similar treatment from you. I have not indulged myself in invective against the present rulers of Great Britain in the course of our correspondence, nor will I even now avail myself of so fruitful a theme.

George Washington, To Henry Laurens (January 31, 1778)

I cannot sufficiently express the obligation I feel to you for your friendship and politeness upon an occasion in which I am so deeply interested. I was not unapprised that a malignant faction had been for some time forming to my prejudice, which, conscious as I am of having ever done all in my power to answer the important purposes of the trust reposed in me, could not but give me some pain on a personal account. But my chief concern arises from an apprehension of the dangerous consequences which intestine dissentions may produce to the common cause.

As I have no other view than to promote the public good, and am unambitious of honors not founded in the approbation of my country, I would not desire in the least degree to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any part of my conduct that even faction itself may deem reprehensible.

The anonymous paper handed you exhibits many serious charges, and it is my wish that it should be submitted to Congress. This I am the more inclined to do as the suppression or concealment may possibly involve you in embarrassments hereafter, since it is uncertain how many, or who may be privy to the contents.

My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. They know the delicacy of my situation, and that motives of policy deprive me of the defense I might otherwise make against their insidious attacks. They know I cannot combat their insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing secrets it is of the utmost moment to conceal. But why should I expect to be except from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated station? Merits and talents, with which I can have no pretensions of rivalship, have ever been subject to it. My heart tells me it has been my unremitted aim to do the best circumstances would permit. Yet, I may have been very often mistaken in my judgment of the means, and may, in many instances, deserve the imputation of error.

George Washington, To William Gordon (February 15, 1778)

I can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an expression that had a tendency to resignation. The same principles that led me to embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain operate with additional force at this day, nor is it my desire to withdraw my services while they are considered of importance to the present contest. But to report a design of this kind is among the arts which those who are endeavoring to effect a change are practicing to bring it to pass.

I have said, and I still do say, that there is not an officer in the service of the United States that would return to the sweets of domestic life with more heart felt joy than I should, but I would have this declaration accompanied by these sentiments, that while the public are satisfied with my endeavors, I mean not to shrink in the cause, but, the moment her voice, not that of faction, calls upon me to resign, I shall do it with as much pleasure as ever the weary traveler retired to rest.

George Washington, To George Clinton (February 16, 1778)

It is with great reluctance I trouble you on a subject which does not properly fall within your province, but it is a subject that occasions me more distress than I have felt since the commencement of the war, and which loudly demands the most zealous exertions of every person of weight and authority who is interested in the success of our affairs. I mean the present dreadful situation of the army for want of provisions, and the miserable prospects before us with respect to futurity. It is more alarming than you will probably conceive for, to form a just idea, it were necessary to be on the spot. For some days past, there has been a little less than a famine in camp. A part of the army has been a week without any kind of flesh, and the rest three or four days. Naked and starving as they are, we cannot enough admire the incomparable patience and fidelity of the soldiery, that they have not been ere this excited by their sufferings to a great mutiny and dispersion. Strong symptoms, however, of discontent have appeared in particular instances, and nothing but the most active efforts everywhere can long avert so shocking a catastrophe.

Our present sufferings are not all. There is no foundation laid for any adequate relief hereafter. All the magazines provided in the States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland, and all the immediate additional supplies they seem capable of affording will not be sufficient to support the army more than a month longer, if so long…When the aforementioned supplied are exhausted, what a terrible crisis must ensue, unless all the energy of the Continent is exerted to provide a timely remedy?

Impressed with this idea, I am, on my part, putting every engine to work that I can possibly think of to prevent the fatal consequences we have so great reason to apprehend. I am calling upon all those whose stations and influence enable them to contribute their aid upon so important an occasion, and from you well known zeal, I expect everything within the compass of your power and that the abilities and resources of the State over which you preside [New York] will admit. I am sensible of the disadvantages it labors under from having been so long the scene of war, and that it must be exceedingly drained by the great demands to which it has been subject. But, though you may not be able to contribute materially to our relief, you can perhaps do something towards it, and any assistance, however trifling in itself, will be of great moment at so critical a juncture, and will conduce to keeping the army together…What methods you can take you will be the best judge of. But, if you can devise any means to procure a quantity of cattle or other kind of flesh for the use of this army to be at camp in the course of a month, you will render a most essential service to the common cause.

George Washington, To Bryan Fairfax (March 1, 1778)

The sentiments you have expressed of me in this letter are highly flattering, meriting my warmest acknowledgements, as I have too good an opinion of your sincerity and candor to believe that you are capable of unmeaning professions and speaking a language foreign from your heart. The friendship I ever professed and felt for you met with no diminution from the difference in our political sentiments. I know the rectitude of my own intentions, and believing in the sincerity of yours, lamented, though I did not condemn, your renunciation of the creed I had adopted. Nor do I think any person, or power, ought to do it whilst your conduct is not opposed to the general interest of the people and the measures they are pursuing. The latter, that is our actions, depending upon ourselves, may be controlled while the powers of thinking originating in higher causes cannot always be molded to our wishes.

The determinations of Providence are always wise, often inscrutable, and though its decrees appear to bear hard upon us at times is nevertheless meant for gracious purposes. In this light I cannot help viewing your late disappointment, for if you had been permitted to have gone to England, unrestrained even by the rigid oaths which are administered on those occasions, your feelings as a husband, parent, etc. must have been considerably wounded in the prospect of a long, perhaps lasting separation from your nearest relatives.

Your hope of being instrumental in restoring peace would prove as unsubstantial as mist before the noon day’s sun and would as soon dispel, for believe me sir, Great Britain understood herself perfectly well in this dispute, but did not comprehend America. She meant as Lord Camden in his late speech in Parliament clearly, and explicitly declared, to drive America into rebellion that her own purposes might be more fully answered by it but take this along with it, that this plan originating in a firm belief, founded on misinformation, that no effectual opposition would or could be made, they little dreamt of what has happened, and are disappointed in their views. Does not every act of administration from the Tea Act to the present session of Parliament declare this in plain and self-evident characters? Had the commissioners any powers to treat with America? If they meant peace, would Lord Howe have been detained in England 5 months after passing the Act? Would the powers of these commissioners have been confined to mere acts of grace, upon condition of absolute submission? No, surely, no! They meant to drive us into what they termed rebellion, that they might be furnished with a pretext to disarm and then strip us of the rights and privileged of Englishmen and citizens. If they were actuated by principles of justice, why did they refuse indignantly to accede to the terms which were humbly supplicated before hostilities commenced and this country deluged in blood, and now make their principal officers and even the commissioners themselves say that these terms are just and reasonable? Nay, that more will be granted than we have yet asked if we relinquish our claim to independency. What name does such conducts as this deserve? And what punishment is there in store for the men who have distressed millions, involved thousands in ruin, and plunged numberless families in inextricable woe? Could that which is just and reasonable now have been unjust four years ago? If not, upon what principles I say does administration act? They must either be wantonly wicked and cruel, or (which is only another mode of describing the same thing) under false colors, are no endeavoring to deceive the great body of the people, by industriously propagating a belief that Great Britain is willing to offer any, and that we will accept of no terms, thereby hoping to poison and disaffect the minds of those who wish for peace, and create feuds and dissentions among ourselves. In a word, having less dependence now in their arms than their arts, they are practicing such low and dirty tricks that men of sentiment and honor must blush at their villainy, among other maneuvers, in this way they are counterfeiting letters, and publishing them as intercepted ones of mine to prove that I am an enemy to the present measures, and have been led into them step by step still hoping that Congress would recede from their present claims.

George Washington, To John Banister (April 21, 1778)

I am pleased to find, that you expect the proposed establishment of the army will succeed; though is it a painful consideration, that matters of such pressing importance and obvious necessity meet with so much difficulty and delay. Be assured, the success of the measure is a matter of the most serious moment, and that it ought to be brought to a conclusion as speedily as possible.

They will not be persuaded to sacrifice all views of present interest, and encounter the numerous vicissitudes of war, in the defense of their country, unless she will be generous enough on her part to make a decent provision for their future support. I do not pronounce absolutely, that we shall have no army if the establishment fails, but the army we may have will be without discipline, without energy, incapable of acting with vigor, and destitute of those cements necessary to promise success on the one hand, or to withstand the shocks of adversity on the other. It is indeed hard to say how extensive the evil may be, if the measure should be rejected, or much longer delayed. I find it a very arduous task to keep the officers in tolerable humor, and to protract such a combination in quitting the service, as might possibly undo us forever.

The difference between our service and that of the enemy is very striking. With us, from the peculiar, unhappy situation of things, the officer, a few instances excepted, must break in upon his private fortune for present support, without a prospect of future relief. With them, even companies are esteemed so honorable and so valuable, that they have sold of late from fifteen to twenty-two hundred pounds sterling; and I am credibly informed, that four thousand guineas have been given for a troop of dragoons. You will readily determine how this difference will operate; what effects it must produce. Men may speculate as they will; they may talk of patriotism; they may draw a few examples from ancient story, of great achievements performed by its influence; but whoever builds upon them, as a sufficient basis for conducting a long and bloody war, will find themselves deceived in the end. We must take the passions of men as nature has given them, and those principles as a guide, which are generally the rule of action. I do not mean to exclude altogether the idea of patriotism. I know it exists, and I know it has done much in the present contest. But I will venture to assert, that a great and lasting war can never be supported on this principle alone. It must be aided by a prospect of interest, or some reward. For a time it may, of itself, push men to action, to bear much, to encounter difficulties; but it will not endure unassisted by interest.

The necessity of putting the army upon a respectable footing, both as to numbers and constitution, is now become more essential than ever. The enemy are beginning to play a game more dangerous, than their efforts by arms (though these will not be remitted in the smallest degree), and which threatens a fatal blow to the independence of America, and to her liberties of course. They are endeavoring to ensnare the people by specious allurements of peace. It is not improbable they have had such abundant cause to be tired of the war, that they may be sincere in the terms they offer, which, though far short of our pretensions, will be extremely flattering to minds, that do not penetrate far into political consequences; but, whether they are sincere or not, they may be equally destructive; for, to discerning men nothing can be more evident, than that a peace on the principles of dependence, however limited, after what has happened, would be to the last degree dishonorable and ruinous. It is however much to be apprehended, that the idea of such an event will have a very powerful effect upon the country, and if not combated with the greatest address will serve, at least, to produce supineness and disunion. Men are naturally fond of peace, and there are symptoms which may authorize an opinion, that the people of America are pretty generally weary of the present war. It is doubtful, whether many of our friends might not incline to an accommodation on the grounds held out, or which may be, rather than persevere in a contest for independence. If this is the case, it must surely be the truest policy to strengthen the army, and place it upon a substantial footing. This will conduce to inspire the country with confidence; enable those at the head of affairs to consult the public honor and interest, notwithstanding the defection of some and temporary inconsistency and irresolution of others, who may desire to compromise the dispute; and, if a treaty should be deemed expedient, will put it in their power to insist upon better terms, than they could otherwise expect.

Besides the most vigorous exertions at home to increase and establish our military force upon a good basis, it appears to me advisable, that we should immediately try the full extent of our interest abroad, and bring our European negotiations to an issue. I think France must have ratified our independence, and will declare war immediately, on finding that serious proposals of accommodation are made; but lest, from a mistaken policy or too exalted an opinion of our power from the representations she has had, she should still remain indecisive, it were to be wished proper persons were instantly dispatched, or our envoys already there instructed to insist pointedly on her coming to a final determination. It cannot be fairly supposed, that she will hesitate a moment to declare war, if she is given to understand, in a proper manner, that a reunion of the two countries may be the consequence of procrastination. A European war and a European alliance would effectually answer our purposes. If the step I now mention should be eligible, dispatches ought to be sent at once by different conveyances, for fear of accidents. I confess, it appears to me a measure of this kind could not but be productive of the most salutary consequences. If possible, I should also suppose it absolutely necessary to obtain good intelligence from England, pointing out the true springs of this maneuver of ministry; the preparations of force they are making; the prospects there are of raising it; the amount, and when it may be expected.

It really seems to me, from a comprehensive view of things that a period is fast approaching, big with events of the most interesting importance; when the counsels we pursue, and the part we act, may lead decisively to liberty or to slavery. Under this idea, I cannot but regret that inactivity, that inattention, that want of something, which unhappily I have but too often experienced in our public affairs. I wish that our representation in Congress was complete and full from every State, and that it was formed of the first abilities among us. Whether we continue to war or proceed to negotiate, the wisdom of America in council cannot be too great. Our situation will be truly delicate. To enter into a negotiation too hastily, or to reject it altogether, may be attended with consequences equally fatal. The wishes of the people, seldom founded in deep disquisitions, or resulting from other reasonings than their present feelings, may not entirely accord with our true policy and interest. If they do not, to observe a proper line of conduct for promoting the one, and avoiding offence to the other, will be a work of great difficulty.

Nothing short of independence, it appears to me, can possibly do. A peace on other terms would, if I may be allowed the expression, be a peace of war. The injuries we have received from the British nation were so unprovoked, and have been so great and so many, that they can never be forgotten. Besides the feuds, the jealousies, the animosities, that would ever attend a union with them; besides the importance, the advantages, we should derive from an unrestricted commerce; our fidelity as a people, our gratitude, our character as men, are opposed to a coalition with them as subjects, but in case of the last extremity. Were we easily to accede to terms of dependence, no nation, upon future occasions, let the oppressions of Britain be never so flagrant and unjust, would interpose for our relief; or, at most, they would do it with a cautious reluctance, and upon conditions most probably that would be hard, if not dishonorable to us. France, by her supplies, has saved us from the yoke thus far; and a wise and virtuous perseverance would, and I trust will, free us entirely.

Before I conclude, there are one or two points more, upon which I will add an observation or two. The first is, the indecision of Congress and the delay used in coming to determinations on matters referred to them. This is productive of a variety of inconveniences; and an early decision, in many cases, though it should be against the measure submitted, would be attended with less pernicious effects. Some new plan might then be tried; but, while the matter is held in suspense, nothing can be attempted. The other point is, the jealousy, which Congress unhappily entertain of the army, and which, if reports are right, some members labor to establish. You may be assured, there is nothing more injurious, or more unjustly founded. This jealousy stands upon the commonly received opinion, which under proper limitations is certainly true, that standing armies are dangerous to a State, and from forming the same conclusion of the component parts of all, though they are totally dissimilar in their nature…It is our policy to be prejudiced against them in time of war; and though they are citizens, having all the ties and interests of citizens, and in most cases property totally unconnected with the military line.

If we would pursue a right system of policy, in my opinion, there should be none of these distinctions. We should all be considered, Congress and army, as one people, embarked in one cause, in one interest; acting on the same principle, and to the same end. The distinction, the jealousies set up, or perhaps only incautiously let out, can answer not a single good purpose. They are impolitic in the extreme. Among individuals the most certain way to make a man your enemy is to tell him you esteem him such. So with public bodies; and the very jealousy, which the narrow politics of some may affect to entertain of the army, in order to a due subordination to the supreme civil authority, is a likely mean to produce a contrary effect; to incline it to the pursuit of those measures, which they may wish it to avoid. It is unjust, because no order of men in the Thirteen States has paid a more sanctimonious regard to their proceedings than the army; and indeed it may be questioned whether there has been that scrupulous adherence had to them by any other, for without arrogance or the smallest deviation from truth it may be said, that no history now extant can furnish an instance of an army’s suffering such uncommon hardships as ours has done, and bearing them with the same patience and fortitude. To see men, without clothes to cover their nakedness, without blankets to lie on, without shoes, by which their marches might be traced by the blood from their feet, and almost as often without provisions as with them, marching through the frost and snow, and at Christmas taking up their winter-quarters within a day’s march of the enemy, without a house or hut to cover them, till they could be built, and submitting to it without a murmur, is a proof of patience and obedience, which in my opinion can scarce be paralleled.

As the propositions and the speech of Lord North must be founded in the despair of the nation of succeeding against us; or from a rupture in Europe, that has actually happened, or certainly will happen; or from some deep political maneuver; or from what I think still more likely, a composition of the whole, would it not be good policy, in this day of uncertainty and distress to the Tories, to avail ourselves of the occasion, and for the several States to holdout pardon etc. to all delinquents returning by a certain day? They are frightened, and this is the time to operate upon them. Upon a short consideration of the matter, it appears to me, that such a measure would detach the Tories from the enemy, and bring things to a much speedier conclusion, and of course be a mean of saving much public treasure.

George Washington, To John Augustine Washington (May 1778)

The arts of the enemy, and the low dirty tricks which they are daily practicing is an evincing proof that they are lost to all sense of virtue and honor, and that they will stick at nothing however incompatible with truth and manliness to carry their points. They have lately forged, and industriously circulated, a resolve for Congress, purporting (after reciting with great propriety and plausibility the inconveniences of short enlistments) that all soldiers who have been drafted for periods short of the war shall nevertheless continue in service during it, and by their emissaries have endeavored and effected the injury of the service by this means, alarming the fears of the soldiery and country.

I am mistaken if we are not verging fast to one of the most important periods that ever America saw…

Be this as it may, it will require all the skill, the wisdom, and policy of the first abilities of these States to manage the helm, and steer with judgment to the haven of our wishes through so many shelves and rocks as will be thrown in our way. This, more than ever, is the time for Congress to be replete with the first characters in every State, instead of having a thin assembly and many States totally unrepresented, as is the case at present.

I have often regretted the pernicious (and what appears to me, fatal) policy of having our able men engaged in the formation of the more local governments, and filling officers in their respective States, leaving the great national concern on which the superstructure of all and every of them does absolutely depend, and without which none can exist, to be managed by men of more contracted abilities, indeed those at a distance from the seat of war live in such perfect tranquility that they conceive the dispute to be at an end in a manner, and those near hand it are so disaffected that they only serve as embarrassments…

Since I began this letter, authentic accounts have come to my hands of France having declared the United States free and independent, and guaranteeing to them all the territory formerly ceded by them to Great Britain. My account…adds that France have done this in the most generous manner, and to our utmost wish. This is great, tis glorious news, and must put the independency of America out of all manner of dispute, and accounts for the gentle gales which have succeeded rude Boeras [Greek god of the north wind] of late.

George Washington, To Robert Morris (May 25, 1778)

I rejoice most sincerely with you on the glorious change in our prospects. Calmness and serenity seems likely to succeed in some measure. Those dark and tempestuous clouds which at times appeared ready to overwhelm us, the game, whether well or ill played hitherto, seems now to be verging fast to a favorable issue, and cannot I think be lost unless we throw it away by too much supineness on the one hand, or impetuosity on the other, God forbid that either of these should happen at a time when we seem to be upon the point of reaping the fruits of our toil and labor. A stroke and reverse, under such circumstances, would be doubly distressing.

George Washington, To Landon Carter (May 30, 1778)

My friends therefore may believe me sincere in my professions of attachment to them, whilst Providence has a joint claim to my humble and grateful thanks, for its protection and direction of me, through the many difficult and intricate scenes which this contest hath produced, and for the constant interposition in our behalf when the clouds were heaviest and seemed ready to burst upon us.

To pain the distresses and perilous situation of this army in the course of last winter for want of clothes, provisions, and almost every other necessary essential to the well-being (I may say existence) of any army would require more time and an abler pen than mine. Nor, since our prospects have so miraculously brightened shall I attempt it, or even bear it in remembrance further than as a memento for what is due to the great Author of all the care and good that have been extended in relieving us in difficulties and distress.

The accounts which you had received of the accession of Canada to the Union were premature. It is a measure much to be wished, and I believe would not be displeasing to the body of that people. But, while Carleton [British commander] remains among them, with three or four thousand regular troops, they dare not avow their sentiments (if they really are favorable) without a strong support. Your ideas of its importance to our political union coincide exactly with mine. If that country is not with us, it will, from its proximity to the eastern States, its intercourse and connection with the numerous tribes of western Indians, its communion with them by water and other local advantages, be at least a troublesome if not a dangerous neighbor to us, and ought, at all events, to be in the same interests and politics of the other States.

With great truth I think I can assure you that the information you received from a gentleman at Sabine Hall respecting a disposition in the northern officers to see me superseded in my command by General Gates is without the least foundation. I have very sufficient reasons to think that no officers in the army are more attached to me than those from the northward, and of those none more so than the gentlemen who were under the immediate command of Gates’ last campaign.

The draughts of bills as mentioned by you, and which have since passed into Acts of British legislation, are so strongly marked with folly and villainy that one can scarce tell which predominates, or how to be surprised at any act of a British minister. This last trite performance of Master North’s [the Prime Minister] is neither more nor less than an insult to common sense, and shows to what extremity of folly wicked men in a bad cause are sometimes driven, for this rude Boreas [Greek god of the North wind] who was to bring America to his feet knew at the time of draughting these bills, or had good reason to believe, that a treaty had actually been signed between the court of France and the United States. By what rule of common sense then he could expect that such an undisguised artifice would go down in America I cannot conceive. But, thanks to Heaven, the tables are turned, and we, I hope, shall have our independence secured in its fullest extent without cringing to this Son of Thunder, who I am persuaded will find abundant work for his troops elsewhere, on which happy prospect I sincerely congratulate you and every friend to American liberty.

George Washington, To Henry Laurens (July 1, 1778)

The extreme heat of the weather, the fatigue of the men from their march through a deep, sandy country almost entirely destitute of water, and the distance the enemy had gained by marching in the night made a pursuit impracticable and fruitless. It would have answered no valuable purpose, and would have been fatal to numbers of our men, several of whom died the preceding day with heart.

Were I to conclude my account of this day’s transactions without expressing my obligations to the officers of the army in general, I should do injustice to their merit, and violence to my own feelings. They seemed to vie with each other in manifesting their zeal and bravery. The catalogue of those who distinguished themselves is too long to admit of particularizing individuals…The behavior of the troops in general after they recovered from the first surprise occasioned by the retreat of the advanced corps was such as could not be surpassed. All the artillery, both officers and men that were engaged, distinguished themselves in a remarkable manner.

George Washington, To Brigadier General Thomas Nelson (August 20, 1778)

The Conspicuous Hand of Providence

The arrival of the French fleet upon the coast of America is a great and striking event, but the operation of it have been injured by a number of unforeseen and unfavorable circumstances which, though they ought not to detract from the merit and good intention of our great ally has nevertheless lessened the importance of their services in a great degree.

I do not know what to make of the enemy at New York, whether their stay at that place is the result of choice, or the effect of necessity, proceeding from an inferiority in the fleet, want of provision, or causes, I know not, but certain it is that, if it is not an act of necessity it is profoundly mysterious unless they look for considerable reinforcements and are waiting [sic] the arrival of them to commence their operations, time will show.

It is not a little pleasing, nor less wonderful to contemplate that after two years maneuvering and undergoing the strangest vicissitudes that perhaps ever attended any one contest since the creation of both armies are both back to the very point they set out from and, that that which was the offending party in the beginning is now reduced to the use of the space and pick ax for defense.

The hand of Providence has been so conspicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked, that has not gratitude enough to acknowledge his obligations—but—it will be time enough for me to turn preacher, when my present appointment ceases; and therefore, I shall add no more on the Doctrine of Providence.

George Washington, To Comte d’Estaing (September 11, 1778)

If the deepest regret that the best concerted enterprise and bravest exertions should have been rendered fruitless by a disaster which human prudence is incapable of foreseeing or preventing can alleviate disappoint, you may be assured that the whole Continent sympathizes with you. It will be a consolation to you to reflect that the thinking part of mankind do not form their judgment from events, and that their equity will ever attach equal glory to those actions which deserve success, as to those which have been crowned with it. It is in the trying circumstances to which your Excellency has been exposed that the virtues of a great mind are displayed in their brightest luster, and that the General’s character is better known than in the moment of victory. It was yours, by every title which can give it, and the adverse element which robbed you of your prize can never deprive you of the glory due to you. Though your success has not been equal to your expectations, yet you have the satisfaction of reflecting that you have rendered essential services to the common cause.

I exceedingly lament that in addition to our misfortunes, there has been the least suspension of harmony and good understanding between the Generals of allied nations whose views must like their interests be the same.

The present superiority of the enemy in naval force must, for a time, suspend all plans of offensive cooperation between us…I am unhappy that our situation will not admit of our contributing more effectually to this important end, but assure you at the same time that whatever can be attempted without losing sight of objects equally essential to the interests of the two nations shall be put in execution.

A candid view of our affairs which I am going to exhibit will make you a judge of the difficulties under which we labor. Almost all our supplies of flour and no inconsiderable part of our meat are drawn from the States westward of Hudson’s River. This renders a secure communication across that river indispensably necessary both to the support of your squadron and the army.

George Washington, To Gouverneur Morris (October 4, 1778)

Your letter of the 8th ulto. [sic] contains three questions and answers to wit: can the enemy prosecute the war? Do they mean to stay on the continent? And is it our interest to put impediments in the way of their departure? To the first you answer in the negative; to the second you are decided in opinion that they do not; and to the third say clearly no.

Can we carry on the war much longer? Certainly NO, unless some measures can be devised and speedily executed to restore the credit of our currency, restrain extortion, and punish forestallers. Without these can be effected, what funds can stand the present expenses of the army? And what officer can bear the weight of prices that every necessary article is now got to?

The true point of light then to place and consider this matter is not simply whether Great Britain can carry on the war, but whose finances (theirs or ours) is most likely to fail, which leads me to doubt very much the infallibility of the answer given to your second question respecting the enemy’s leaving the continent, for I believe that they will not do it, while ever hope and the chapter of accidents can give them a chance of bringing us to terms short of independence.

To your third answer, I subscribe with hand and heart. The opening is now fair, and God grant they may embrace the opportunity of bidding an eternal adieu to our, once quit of them, happy land.

The high prices of every necessary; the little, indeed no benefit, which officers have derived from the intended bounty of Congress in the article of clothing; the change in the establishment by which so many of them are discontinued; the unfortunate delay of this business which kept them too long in suspense and set a number of evil spirits to work; the unsettled rank and contradictory modes of adjusting it with other causes which might be enumerated have conspired to sour the temper of the army exceedingly…

George Washington, To Henry Laurens (November 14, 1778)

This will be accompanied by an official letter on the subject of the proposed expedition against Canada. You will perceive I have only considered it in a military light; indeed I was not authorized to consider it in any other; and I am not without apprehensions, that I may be thought, in what I have done, to have exceeded the limits intended by Congress. But my solicitude for the public welfare, which I think deeply interested in this affair, will, I hope, justify me in the eyes of all those, who view things through that just medium.

The question of the Canadian expedition, in the form it now stands, appears to me one of the most interesting that has hitherto agitated our national deliberations. I have one objection to it, untouched in my public letter, which is, in my estimation, insurmountable, and alarms all my feelings for the true and permanent interests of my country. This is the introduction of a large body of French troops into Canada, and putting them in possession of the capital of that Province, attached to them by all the ties of blood, habits, manners, religion, and former connection of government. I fear this would be too great a temptation to be resisted by any power actuated by the common maxims of national policy. Let us realize for a moment the striking advantages France would derive from the possession of Canada; the acquisition of an extensive territory, abounding in supplies for the use of her Islands; the opening a vast source of the most beneficial commerce with the Indian nations, which she might then monopolize; the having ports of her own on this continent independent of the precarious goodwill of an ally; the engrossing of the whole trade of Newfoundland whenever she pleased, the finest nursery of seamen in the world; the security afforded to her Islands; and, finally, the facility of awing and controlling these States, the natural and most formidable rival of every maritime power in Europe. Canada would be a solid acquisition to France on all these accounts, and because of the numerous inhabitants, subjects to her by inclination, who would aid in preserving it under her power against the attempt of every other.

France, acknowledged for some time past the most powerful monarchy in Europe by land, able now to dispute the empire of the sea with Britain, and if joined with Spain, I may say, certainly superior, possessed of New Orleans on our right, Canada on our left, and seconded by the numerous tribes of Indians in our rear from one extremity to the other, a people so generally friendly to her, and whom she knows so well to conciliate, would, it is much to be apprehended, have it in her power to give law to these States.

It may be supposed that France would not choose to renounce our friendship by a step of this kind, as the consequence would be a reunion with England on some terms or other, and the loss of what she had acquired in so violent and unjustifiable a manner, with all the advantages of an alliance with us. This, in my opinion, is too slender a security against the measure, to be relied on.

Men are very apt to run into extremes. Hatred to England may carry some into an excess of Confidence in France, especially when motives of gratitude are thrown into the scale. Men of this description would be unwilling to suppose France capable of acting so ungenerous a part. I am heartily disposed to entertain the most favorable sentiments of our new ally, and to cherish them in others to a reasonable degree. But it is maxim, founded on the universal experience of mankind that no nation is to be trusted farther than it is bound by its interest; and no prudent statesman or politician will venture to depart from it. In our circumstances we ought to be particularly cautious; for we have not yet attained sufficient vigor and maturity to recover from the shock of any false step, into which we may unwarily fall.

If France should even engage in the scheme, in the first instance, with the purest intentions, there is the greatest danger that, in the progress of the business, invited to it by circumstances, and perhaps urged on by the solicitations and wishes of the Canadians, she would alter her views…I hope I am mistaken, and that my fears of mischief make me refine too much, and awaken jealousies that have no sufficient foundation.

But upon the whole, Sir, to wave every other consideration, I do not like to add to the number of our national obligations. I would wish, as much as possible, to avoid giving a foreign power new claims of merit for services performed to the United States, and would ask no assistance that is not indispensable.

George Washington, To Lund Washington (February 24, 1779)

My scruples arise from a reluctance in offering these people [slaves] at public venue, and on account of the uncertainty of timing the sale well. In the first case, if these poor wretches are to be held in a state of slavery, I do not see that a change of masters will render it more irksome, provided husband and wife, and parents and children are not separated from each other, which is not my intentions to do.

George Washington, To Thomas Nelson, Jr. (March 15, 1779)

It gives me very singular pleasure to find that you have against taken a seat in Congress. I think there never was a time when cool and dispassionate reasoning, strict attention and application, great integrity, and (if it was in the nature of things, unerring) wisdom were more to be wished for than the present. Our affairs, according to my judgment, are now come to a crisis, and require no small degree of political skill to steer clear of those shelves and rocks which, though deeply buried, may wreck our hopes, and throw us upon some inhospitable shore.

Unanimity in our councils, disinterestedness in our pursuits, and steady perseverance in our national duty, are the only means to avoid misfortunes. If they come upon us after these, we shall have the consolation of knowing that we have done our best, the rest is with the Gods.

George Washington, To Elias Boudinot (May 3, 1779)

It is a matter of great importance to have early and good intelligence of the enemy’s strength and motions, and as far as possible, designs, and to obtain them through different channels. Do you think it practicable to come at these by means of—? I shall not press it upon him, but you must be sensible that to obtain intelligence from a man of observation near the headquarters of an army from whence all orders flow and everything originates must be a most desirable thing.

To guard against possible evils, your correspondence might be under fictitious names by numbers (to represent men and things) in characters, or other ways as you shall agree. It is in my power, I believe, to procure a liquid which nothing but a counter liquor (rubbed over the paper afterwards) can make legible.

George Washington, To William Maxwell (May 7, 1779)

[T]he situation of our money is no small embarrassment, for which, though there are remedies, they cannot be the work of a moment. Government is not insensible of the merits and sacrifices of the officers, nor, I am persuaded, unwilling to make a compensation. But it is a truth of which a little observation must convince us that it is very much straightened in the means. Great allowances ought to be made on this account for any delay and seeming backwardness which may appear.

The patience and perseverance of the army have been under every disadvantage such as to do them the highest honor both at home and abroad, and have inspired me with an unlimited confidence in their virtue, which has consoled me amidst every perplexity and reverse of fortune to which our affairs in a struggle of this nature were necessarily exposed. Now that we have made so great a progress to the attainment of the end we have in view so that we cannot fail without a most shameful desertion of our own interests, anything like a change of conduct would imply a very unhappy change of principles and a forgetfulness as well of what we owe to ourselves as to our country.

At the opening of a campaign, when under marching orders for an important service, their own honor, duty to the public, and to themselves, a regard to military propriety will not suffer them to persist in a measure which would be a violation of them all [blackmailing Congress]. It will even wound their delicacy coolly to reflect that they are hazarded a step which has an air of dictating terms to their country by taking advantage of the necessity of the moment.

The declaration they have made to the state at so critical a time that unless they obtain [financial] relief in the short period of three days they must considered out of the service has very much the aspect, and the seeming relaxation of continuing till the state can have a reasonable time to provide other officers will be thought only a superficial veil. I am now to request that you will convey my sentiments to the gentleman concerned and endeavor to make them sensible that they are in an error. The service for which the Regiment was intended will not admit of delay; it must at all events march on Monday morning in the first place to this camp and further directions will be given when it arrives.

George Washington, Gouverneur Morris (May 8, 1779)

The relief of the southern States appears to me an object of the greatest magnitude, and what may lead to still more important advantages. I feel infinite anxiety on their account, their internal weakness, disaffection, the want of energy, the general languor that has seized the people at large makes me apprehend the most serious consequences. It would seem too as if the enemy meant to transfer the principal weight of the war that way.

In this critical situation, I hardly know any resource we have unless it be in the event expected, and the supposed reinforcement now on its way, for want of a competent land force on our part, may make even this dependence precarious. If it should fail, our affairs which have a very sickly aspect in many respects will receive a stroke they are little able to bear.

As a variety of accidents may disappoint our hopes here it is indispensable we should make every exertion on our part to check the enemy’s progress. This cannot be done to effect if our reliance is solely or principally on militia, for a force continually fluctuating is incapable of any material effort.

Perhaps for want of knowing the true state of our foreign expectations and prospects of finance, I may be led to contemplate the gloomy side of things. But I confess they appear to me to be in a very disagreeable train. The rapid decay of our currency, the extinction of public spirit, the increasing rapacity of the times, the want of harmony in our councils, the declining zeal of the people, the discontents and distresses of the officers of the army, and I may add the prevailing security and insensibility to danger are symptoms in my eye of a most alarming nature. If the enemy have it in their power to press us hard this campaign, I know not what may be the consequence. Our army as it now stands is but little more than the skeleton of any army, and I hear of no steps that are taking to give it strength and substance.

When I endeavor to draw together the continental troops for the most essential purposes, I am embarrassed with complaints of the exhausted defenseless situation of particular States and find myself obliged either to resist solicitations made in such a manner and with such a degree of emphasis as scarcely to leave me a choice, or to sacrifice the most obvious principles of military propriety and risk the general safety.

I shall conclude by observing that it is well worthy [sic] the ambition of a patriot statesman at this juncture to endeavor to pacify party differences, to give fresh vigor to the springs of government, to inspire the people with confidence, and above all to restore the credit of our currency.

George Washington, To the Minister, Elders, and Deacons of the Dutch Reformed Church at Raritan, NJ (June 2, 1779)

In quartering an army and in supplying its wants, distress and inconvenience will often occur to the citizen—I feel myself happy and in a consciousness that these have been strictly limited by necessity, and in your opinion of my attention to the rights of my fellow citizens.

I thank you gentlemen sincerely for the sense you entertain of the conduct of the army, and for the interest you take in my welfare. I trust the goodness of the cause and the exertions of the people under divine protection will give us that honorable peace for which we are contending. Suffer me Gentlemen to wish the reformed church of Raritan a long continuance of its present Minister and consistory and all the blessings which flow from piety and religion.

George Washington, To Marquis de Lafayette (July 4, 1779)

When my dear Marquis shall I embrace you again? Shall I ever do it, or have the charms of the amiable and lovely Marchioness, or the smiles and favors of your Prince withdrawn you from us entirely? At all times, and under all circumstances, I have the honor to be with the greatest regard, personal attachment and affections, yours…

George Washington, To Lund Washington (August 17, 1779)

The law, undoubtedly well designed, it was intended to stamp a value and give a free circulation to the paper bills of credit. But it never was nor could be intended to make a man take a shilling or six pence in the pound for a just debt which he is well able to pay, thereby involving himself in ruin. I am as willing now as I ever was to take paper money for every kind of debt, and at its present depreciated value for those debts which have been contracted since the money became so, but I will not in future receive the nominal sum for such old debts as come under the above description, except as before excepted. The fear of injuring by any example of mine the credit of our paper currency if I attempted to discriminate between the real and nominal value of paper money has already sunk me a large sum if the bonds before mentioned are paid off…

This is such a manifest abuse of reason and justice that no arguments can reconcile it to common sense, or common honesty. Instead of appealing to me who have not the means of information or knowledge of common usage and practice in matters of this kind in the State or the laws that govern there, I wish you would consult men of honor, honesty, and firm attachment to the cause, and govern yourself by their advice or by their conduct.

No man has, nor no man will go further to serve the public than myself, if sacrificing my whole estate would affect any valuable purpose I would not hesitate one moment in doing it. But by submitting to matters of this kind unless it is done so by others is no more than a drop in the bucket, in fact it is not serving the public but enriching individuals and countenancing dishonesty, for sure I am that no honest man would attempt to pay 20 [pounds/shillings?] with one or perhaps half a one. In a word, I had rather make a present of the bonds than receive payment of them in so shameful a way.

George Washington, To John Jay (September 7, 1779)

It really appears impossible to reconcile the conduct Britain is pursing to any system of prudence or policy. For the reason you assign, appearances are against her deriving aid from other powers, and if it is truly the case that she has rejected the mediation of Spain without having made allies, it will exceed all past instances of her infatuation. Notwithstanding appearances, I can hardly bring myself fully to believe that it is the case, or that there is so general a combination against the interests of Britain among the European powers as will permit them to endanger the political balance. I think it probable enough that the conduct of France in the affairs of the Porte [Turkey] and Russia will make an impression on the Empress [Catherine the Great], but I doubt whether it will be sufficient to counterbalance the power motive she has to support England, and the Porte [Turkey] has been perhaps too much weakened in the last war with Russia to be over fond of renewing it.

The Emperor is also the natural ally of England notwithstanding the connections of blood between his family and that of France, and he may prefer reasons of national policy to those of private attachment. Tis true his finances may not be in the best state, though one campaign could hardly have exhausted them, but as Holland looks up to him for her chief protection, if he should be inclined to favor England, it may give her councils a decided bias the same way. She can easily supply what is wanting in the article of money, and by this aid give sinews to that confederacy. Denmark is also the natural ally of England, and though there has lately been a family bickering, her political interest may outweigh private animosity…Portugal too, though timid and cautious at present, if she was to see connections formed by England able to give her countenance and security, would probably declare for her interests. Russia, Denmark, the Emperor, Holland, Portugal, and England would form a respectable counterpoise to the opposite scale.

Though all the maritime powers of Europe were interested in the independence of this country, as it tended to diminish the overgrown power of Britain, yet they may be unwilling to see too great a preponderancy on the side of her rivals, and when the question changes itself from the separation of America to the ruin of England as a naval power [Britain’s navy helped secure commerce], I should not be surprised at a proportional change in the sentiments of some of those States which have been heretofore unconcerned spectators of inclining to our side.

George Washington, To Marquis de Lafayette (September 30, 1779)

It gave me infinite pleasure to hear, from yourself, of the favorable reception you met with from your sovereign, and of the joy, which your safe arrival in France had diffused among your friends. I had no doubt, but that this would be the case. To hear it from yourself adds pleasure to the acct.; and here, my dear friend, let me congratulate you on your new, honorable, and pleasing appointment in the army commanded by the Count de Vaux, which I shall accompany with an assurance, that none can do it with more warmth of affection, or sincere joy, than myself. Your forward zeal in the cause of liberty; Your singular attachment to this infant world; your ardent and persevering efforts, not only in America, but since your return to France, to serve the United States; your polite attention to Americans, and your strict and uniform friendship for me, has ripened the first impressions of esteem and attachment, which I imbibed for you, into such perfect love and gratitude, that neither time nor absence can impair. Which will warrant my assuring you, that, whether in the character of an officer at the head of a corps of gallant French, (if circumstances should require this,) whether as a Major General commanding a division of the American army, or whether, after our Swords and spears have given place to the ploughshare and pruning-Hook [Isa. 2:4], I see you as a private gentleman, a friend and companion, I shall welcome you in all the warmth of friendship to Columbia’s shores; and, in the latter case, to my rural cottage, where homely fare and a cordial reception shall be substituted for delicacies and costly living. This, from past experience, I know you can submit to; and if the lovely partner of your happiness will consent to participate with us in such rural entertainment and amusements, I can undertake, in behalf of Mrs. Washington, that she will do everything in her power to make Virginia agreeable to the Marchioness. My inclination and endeavors to do this cannot be doubted, when I assure you, that I love everybody that is dear to you, consequently participate in the pleasure you feel in your prospect of again becoming a parent, and do most sincerely congratulate you and your Lady on this fresh pledge she is about to give you of her love.

The Chevalier [de la Luzerne], till he had announced himself to Congress, did not choose to be received in his public character. If he had, except paying him military honors, it was not my intention to depart from that plain and simple manner of living, which accords with the real Interest and policy of men struggling under every difficulty for the attainment of the most inestimable blessing of life, Liberty.

You are pleased, my dear Marquis, to express an earnest desire of seeing me in France, (after the establishment of our independency), and do me the honor to add, that you are not singular in your request. Let me entreat you to be persuaded, that to meet you anywhere, after the final accomplishment of so glorious an event, would contribute to my happiness; and that to visit a county, to whose generous aid we stand so much indebted, would be an additional pleasure; but remember, my good friend, that I am unacquainted with your language, that I am too far advanced in years to acquire a knowledge of it, and that, to converse through the medium of an interpreter upon common occasions, especially with the Ladies, must appear so extremely awkward, insipid, and uncouth, that I can scarce bear it in idea. I will, therefore, hold myself disengaged for the present; but when I see you in Virginia, we will talk of this matter and fix our plans.

The declaration of Spain, in favor of France has given universal joy to every Whig; while the poor Tory droops, like a withering flower under a declining Sun.

The glorious successes of Count d’Estaing in the West Indies, at the same time that it adds dominion to France, and fresh luster to her arms, is a source of new and unexpected misfortune to our tender and generous parent, and must serve to convince her of the folly of quitting the substance in pursuit of the shadow; and, as there is no experience equal to that which is bought, I trust she will have a superabundance of this kind of knowledge, and be convinced, as I hope all the world and every tyrant in it will, that the best and only safe road to honor, glory, and true dignity, is justice.

But here again methinks I hear you say, I am not apprehensive of danger—My wife is young—you are growing old and the Atlantic is between you—All this is true, but know my good friend that no distance can keep anxious lovers long asunder, and that the wonders of former ages may be revived in this—But alas! will you not remark that amidst all the wonders recorded in holy writ [the Bible] no instance can be produced where a young Woman from real inclination has preferred an old man—This is so much against me that I shall not be able I fear to contest the prize with you—yet, under the encouragement you have given me I shall enter the list for so inestimable a jewel.

George Washington, To Benjamin Harrison (October 25, 1779)

My dear sir: Letters of a private nature and for the mere purposes of friendly intercourse are, with me, the production of too much haste to allow time (generally speaking) to take, or make fair copies of them, and my memory (unfortunately for me) is of too defective a frame to furnish the periods at which they were written…But it may not be amiss to observe that excepting the plundering expedition to Virginia, and the burning one in Connecticut the enemy have wasted another campaign (till this stage of it at least) in their ship-bound islands and strongholds without doing a single thing, advancive [sic] of the end in view, unless by delays and placing their whole dependence in the depreciation of our money, and the wretched management of our finances they expect to accomplish it.

In the meanwhile, they have suffered (I do not know what other term to give it) a third part of the Continental troops which altogether was inferior to theirs to be employed in the total destruction of all the country inhabited by the hostile tribes of the Six Nations, their good and faithful allies!

We are now in appearances launching into a wide and boundless field, puzzled with mazes and overspread with difficulties. A glorious object is in view, and God send we may attain it.

George Washington, To Robert Howe (November 20, 1779)

He has made, I perceive, the dependence of America essential to the existence of Great Britain as a powerful nation. This I shall not deny, because I am in sentiment with him in thinking her fallen state in consequence of the separation, too obvious to be disputed. It was of magnitude sufficient to have made a wise and just people look before they leaped. But I am glad to find that he has placed the supplies necessary to support that dependence upon three things which I am persuaded will never again exist in his nation—namely, public virtue, public economy, and public union in her grand council.

Stock jobbing, speculation, dissipation, luxury and venality, with all their concomitants, are too deeply rooted to yield to virtue and the public good. We that are not yet hackneyed in vice—but infants, as it were, in the arts of corruption, and the knowledge of taking advantage of public necessity (though I am much mistaken if we shall not soon become very great adepts at them) find it almost, if not quite impossible to preserve virtue enough to keep the body politic and corporate in tolerable tune. It is scarcely to be expected therefore that a people who have reduced these things to a system and have actually interwoven them into their constitution should at once become immaculate.

I do not know which rises highest—my indignation or contempt, for the sentiments which pervade the ministerial writings of this day—these hireling scribblers labor to describe and prove the ingratitude of America in not breaking faith with France—and returning to her allegiance to the Crown of Great Britain after its having offered such advantageous terms of accommodation. Such sentiments as these are insulting to common sense and affrontive to every principle of sound policy and common honesty. Why has she offered these terms?—because after a bloody contest, carried on with unrelenting and savage fury on her part the issue (which was somewhat doubtful while we stood alone) is now become certain by the aid we derive from our Alliance. Notwithstanding the manifest advantages of which, and the blood and treasure which has been spent to resist a tyranny which was unremitted as long as there remained a hope of subjugation, we are told with an effrontery altogether unparalleled that every cause of complaint is now done away by the generous offers of a tender parent…

What epithet [from Britain] does such sentiments merit? How much should a people possessed of them be despised? From my soul I abhor them! A manly struggle, had it been conducted upon liberal ground, and honest confession that they were unequal to conquest, and wished for our friendship, would have had its proper weight—but their cruelties, exercised upon those who have fallen within their power—the wanton depredations committed by themselves and their faithful allies, the Indians—their low and dirty practices of counterfeiting our money—forging letters—and condescending to adopt such arts as the meanest villain in private life would blush at being charged with, has made me their fixed enemy.

George Washington, To Joseph Jones (May 14, 1780)

The arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette opens a prospect which offers the most important advantages to these States if proper measures are adopted to improve it. He announces an intention of his Court to send a fleet and army to cooperate effectually with us.

In the present state of our finances, and in the total emptiness of our magazines, a plan must be concerted to bring out the resources of the country with vigor and decision. This I think you will agree with me cannot be affected if the measures to be taken should depend on the slow deliberations of a body so large as Congress, admitting the best disposition in every member to promote the object in view. It appears to me of the greatest importance, and even of absolute necessity, that a small committee should be immediately appointed to reside near headquarters vested with all the powers which Congress have so far as respects the purpose of a full cooperation with the French fleet and army on the continent. Their authority should be plenipotentiary to draw out men and supplies of every kind and give their sanction to any operations which the Commander in Chief may not think himself at liberty to undertake without it as well beyond, as within the limit of these States.

This committee can act with dispatch and energy by being on the spot it will be able to provide for exigencies as they arise, and the better to judge of their nature and urgency. The plans in contemplation may be opened to them with more freedom and confidence than to a numerous body where secrecy is impossible, where the indiscretion of a single member by disclosing may defeat the project.

We shall probably fix the independence of America if we succeed, and if we fail the abilities of the State will have been so strained in the attempt that a total relaxation and debility must ensue and the worst is to be apprehended. These considerations should determine Congress to forego all inferior objects and unite with mutual confidence in those measures which seem best calculated to ensure success.

George Washington, To Joseph Reed (May 28, 1780)

I assure you, every idea you can form of our distresses will fall short of the reality. There is such a combination of circumstances to exhaust the patience of the soldiery that it begins at length to be worn out, and we see in every line of the army the most serious features of mutiny and sedition. All our departments, all our operations, are at a stand; and unless a system, very different from that which for a long time prevailed, be immediately adopted throughout the States, our affairs must soon become desperate beyond the possibility of recovery. If you were on the spot, my dear Sir, if you could see what difficulties surround us on every side, how unable we are to administer to the most ordinary calls of the service, you would be convinced, that these expressions are not too strong, and that we have almost ceased to hope. The country in general is in such a state of insensibility and indifference to its interest, that I dare not flatter myself with any change for the better.

The committee of Congress, in their late address to the several States, have given a just picture of our situation. I very much doubt it’s making the desired impression; and, if it does not, I shall consider our lethargy as incurable. The present juncture is so interesting, that if it does not produce correspondent exertions, it will be a proof that motives of honor, public good, and even self-preservation, have lost their influence upon our minds. This is a decisive moment; one of the most, (I will go further and say, the most) important America has seen. The court of France has made a glorious effort for our deliverance, and if we disappoint its intentions by our supineness, we must become contemptible in the eyes of all mankind; nor can we after that venture to confide, that our allies will persist in an attempt to establish what it will appear we want inclination or ability to assist them in.

Every view of our own circumstances ought to determine us to the most vigorous efforts; but there are considerations of another kind, that should have equal weight. The combined fleets of France and Spain last year were greatly superior to those of the enemy. The enemy nevertheless sustained no material damage, and at the close of the campaign have given a very important blow to our allies. This campaign the difference between the fleets, from every account I have been able to collect, will be very inconsiderable. Indeed it is far from clear, that there will not be an equality. What are we to expect will be the case, if there should be another campaign? In all probability the advantage will be on the side of the English. And then what would become of America? We ought not to deceive ourselves. The maritime resources of Great Britain are more substantial and real, than those of France and Spain united. Her commerce is more extensive, than that of both her rivals; and it is an axiom, that the nation which has the most extensive commerce will always have the most powerful marine. Were this argument less convincing, the fact speaks for itself. Her progress in the course of the last year is an incontestable proof.

It is true, France in a manner created a Fleet in a very short space, and this may mislead us in the judgment we form of her naval abilities. But, if they bore any comparison with those of Great Britain, how comes it to pass, that, with all the force of Spain added, she has lost so much ground in so short a time, as now to have scarcely a superiority? We should consider what was done by France, as a violent and unnatural effort of the government, which, for want of sufficient foundation, cannot continue to operate proportionable [sic] effects.

In modern wars, the longest purse must chiefly determine the event. I fear that of the enemy will be found to be so. Though the government is deeply in debt, and of course poor, the nation is rich, and their riches afford a fund, which will not be easily exhausted. Besides, their system of public credit is such, that it is capable of greater exertion than that of any other nation. Speculatists [speculators] have been a long time foretelling its downfall; but we see no symptoms of the catastrophe being very near. I am persuaded that it will at least last out the war, and then in the opinion of many of the best politicians it will be a national advantage. If the war should terminate successfully, the crown will have acquired such influence and power, that it may attempt anything, and a bankruptcy will probably be made a ladder to climb to absolute authority. Administration may perhaps wish to drive matters to this issue. At any rate they will not be restrained, by an apprehension of it, from forcing the resources of the state. It will promote their present purposes, on which their all is at stake, and it may pave the way to triumph more effectually over the constitution. With this disposition I have no doubt that ample means will be found to prosecute the war with the greatest vigor.

France is in a very different position. The abilities of her present financier has done wonders. By a wise administration of the revenues, aided by advantageous loans, he has avoided the necessity of additional taxes; but I am well informed, if the war continues another campaign, he will be obliged to have recourse to the taxes usual in time of war, which are very heavy; and which the people of France are not in a condition to endure for any duration. When this necessity commences, France makes war on ruinous terms, and England, from her individual wealth, will find much greater facility in supplying her exigencies.

Spain derives great wealth from her mines [i.e. precious metals], but not so great as is generally imagined. Of late years the profit to government is essentially diminished. Commerce and industry are the best means of a nation; both which are wanting to her. I am told her treasury is far from being so well filled as we have flattered ourselves. She is also much divided on the propriety of the war. There is a strong party against it. The temper of the nation is too sluggish to admit of great exertions; and, though the Courts of the two Kingdoms are closely linked together, there never has been in any of their wars a perfect harmony of measures, nor has it been the case in this; which has already been no small detriment to the common cause.

I mention these things to show, that the circumstances of our allies, as well as our own, call for peace; to obtain which we must make one great effort this campaign. The present instance of the friendship of the court of France is attended with every circumstance, that can render it important and agreeable, that can interest our gratitude or fire our emulation. If we do our duty, we may even hope to make the campaign decisive on this continent. But we must do our duty in earnest, or disgrace and ruin will attend us. I am sincere in declaring a full persuasion, that the succor will be fatal to us, if our measures are not adequate to the emergency.

Now, my dear Sir, I must observe to you, that much will depend on the State of Pennsylvania. She has it in her power to contribute, without comparison, more to our success than any other State, in the two essential articles of flour and transportation.

From every information I can obtain, she is at this time full of flour. I speak to you in the language of frankness and as a friend. I do not mean to make any insinuations unfavorable to the State. I am aware of the embarrassment the government labors under, from the open opposition of one party and the underhand intrigues of another. I know that, with the best dispositions to promote the public service, you have been obliged to move with circumspection. But this is a time to hazard and to take a tone of energy and decision. All parties but the disaffected will acquiesce in the necessity and give their support. The hopes and fears of the people at large may be acted upon in such a manner, as to make them approve and second your views…The fate of these States hangs upon it. God grant we may be properly impressed with the consequences…This is not a time for formality or ceremony. The crisis, in every point of view, is extraordinary; and extraordinary expedients are necessary. I am decided in this opinion.

George Washington, To Joseph Jones (May 31, 1780)

Certain I am that unless Congress speaks in a more decisive tone, unless they are vested with powers by the several States competent to the great purposes of war, or assume them as matter of right, and they, and the states respectively act with more energy than they hitherto have done, that our Cause is lost. We can no longer drudge on in the old way. By ill-timing, the adoption of measures, by delays in the execution of them, or by unwarrantable jealousies, we incur enormous expenses, and derive no benefit from them. One state will comply with a requisition of Congress, another neglects to do it, a third executes it by halves, and all differ either in the manner, the matter, or so much in point of time that we are always working uphill, and ever shall be (while such a system as the present one, or rather want of one prevails) unable to apply our strength or resources to any advantage.

This my dear sir is plain language to a member of Congress, but it is the language of truth and friendship. It is the result of long thinking, close application, and strict observation. I see one head gradually changing into thirteen. I see one army branching into thirteen, and instead of looking up to Congress as the supreme controlling power of the United States, are considering themselves as dependent on their respective States. In a word, I see the powers of Congress declining too fast for the consequences and respect which is due to them as the grand representative body of America, and am fearful of the consequences of it.

George Washington, To Benedict Arnold (August 3, 1780)

Sir: You are to proceed to West Point and take the command of that post and its dependencies…

You will endeavor to have the works at West Point carried on as expeditiously as possible by the garrison under the direction and superintendence of the engineers. The stores carefully preserved, and the provision safely deposited and often inspected, particularly the salted meat.

You will, as soon as possible, obtain and transmit an accurate return of the militia which have come in, and inform me regularly of their increase. Should any levies from the State of New York or those to the eastward of it intended for the Continental Army arrive at West Point, you will immediately forward them to the lines to which they respectively belong. The difficulties we shall certainly experience on the score of provisions render the utmost economy highly necessary.

George Washington, To Joseph Jones (August 13, 1780)

It does not require, I am sure, with you argument at this time of day to prove that there is no set of men in the United States (considered as a body) that have made the same sacrifices of their interest in support of the common cause as the officers of the American Army, that nothing but a love of their country, of honor, and a desire of seeing their labors crowned with success could possibly induce them to continue one moment in service. That no officer can live upon his pay, that hundreds having spent their little all in addition to their scant public allowance have resigned, because they could no longer support themselves as officers; that numbers are, at this moment, rendered unfit for duty for want of clothing, while the rest are wasting their property and some of them verging fast to the gulf of poverty and distress. Can it be supposed that men under these circumstances who can derive at best, if the contest ends happily, only the advantages which attend in equal proportion with others, will sit patient under such a precedent? Surely they will not, for the measure, not the man, will be the subject of consideration and each will ask himself this question if Congress, by its mere fiat, without inquiry and without trial, will suspend on officer today, an officer of such high rank, may it not be my turn tomorrow and ought I put it in the power of any man or body of men to sport with my commission and character and lay me under the necessity of tamely acquiescing, or by an appeal to the public expose matters which must be injurious to its interests?

George Washington, To Henry Clinton (September 30, 1780)

I am to inform you that Major André was taken under such circumstances as would have justified the most summary proceedings against him.

The Board having maturely considered these facts do also report to His Excellency General Washington that Major André Adjutant General to the British Army ought to be considered as a spy from the enemy, and that agreeable to the law and usage of nations it is their opinion he ought to suffer death.

From these proceedings it is evident Major André was employed in the execution of measures very foreign to the objects of flags of truce and such as they were never meant to authorize or countenance in the most distant degree, and this gentleman confessed with the greatest candor in the course of his examination, ‘that it was impossible for him to suppose he came on shore under the sanction of a flag.’

George Washington, To John Cadwalader (October 5, 1780)

It came [his letter] to this place in my absence from the army and during my necessary detention at West Point on a very interesting but disgraceful incident in our military [Benedict Arnold].

We are now drawing an inactive campaign to a close, the beginning of which appeared pregnant with events of a favorable complexion. I hoped, but hoped in vain, that a prospect was displaying which would enable me to fix a period to my military pursuits and restore me to domestic life.

The favorable disposition of Spain; the promised succor from France; the combined force in the West Indies; the declaration of Russia (acceded to by other powers of Europe); the Irish claims and English disturbances, formed in the aggregate an opinion in my breast (which is not very susceptible of peaceful dreams) that the hour of deliverance was not far distance; for that however unwilling Great Britain might be to yield the point, it would not be in her power to continue the contest. But alas! These prospects, flattering as they were, have proved delusory, and I see nothing before us but accumulating distress.

We have been half of our time without provision and are like to continue so. We have no magazines, nor money to form them, and in a little time we shall have no men if we had money to pay them. We have lived upon expedients till we can live no longer. In a word, the history of the war is a history of false hopes and temporary devices instead of system and economy. It is in vain however to look back, nor is it our business to do so. Our case is not desperate, if virtue exists in the people and there is wisdom among our rulers; but to suppose that this great Revolution can be accomplished by a temporary army; that this army will be subsisted by State supplies, and that taxation alone is adequate to our wants, is, in my opinion, absurd and as unreasonable as to expect as inversion in the order of nature to accommodate itself to our views.

A thousand arguments resulting from experience and the nature of things might also be adduced to prove that the Army, if it is to depend upon State supplies, must disband or starve, and that taxation alone (especially at this late hour) cannot furnish the men to carry on the war. Is it not time then to retract from error and benefit by experience? Or do we want further proof of the ruinous system we have pertinaciously adhered to?

Men of independent spirit and firmness of mind must step forth to rescue our affairs from the embarrassments they have fallen into, or they will suffer in the general wreck. I do not mean to apply this more to the military than the civil line. We want the best, and ablest men in both.

George Washington, To John Laurens (October 13, 1780)

In no instance since the commencement of the war has the interposition of Providence appeared more conspicuous than in the rescue of the post and garrison of West Point from [Benedict] Arnold’s villainous perfidy. How far he meant to involve me in the catastrophe of this place does not appear by any indubitable evidence, and I am rather inclined to think he did not wish to hazard the more important object of his treachery by attempting to combine two events the lesser of which might have marred the greater. A combination of extraordinary circumstances.

An unaccountable deprivation of presence of mind in a man of the first abilities and the virtuous conduct of three militia men threw the Adjutant General of the British forces in America (with full proofs of Arnold’s treachery) into our hands…

But I am mistaken if at this time, Arnold is undergoing the torments of a mental Hell. He wants feeling! From some traits of his character which have lately come to my knowledge, he seems to have been so hackneyed in villainy, and so lost to all sense of honor and shame that while his faculties will enable him to continue his sordid pursuits there will be no time for remorse.

George Washington, To William Fitzhugh (October 22, 1780)

I hope the Assemblies that are now sitting, or about to sit, will not rise till they put three things in a fair and proper train. First, to give full and ample powers to Congress, competent to all the purposes of war. Secondly, by loans and taxes to put our finances upon a more respectable footing than they are at present, and thirdly, that they will endeavor to establish a permanent force. These things will secure our independency beyond dispute, but to go on in our present system, civil as well as military, is a useless and vain attempt. Tis idle to suppose that raw and undisciplined men are fit to oppose regular troops, and if they were, our present military system is too expensive for any funds except that of an eastern nabob, and in the civil line instead of one head and director we have, or soon shall have, thirteen, which is as much a monster in politics as it would be in the human form.

Our present distresses and future prospects of distress, arising from these and similar causes is great beyond the powers of description, and without a change must end in our ruin.

George Washington, To Benjamin Franklin (December 20, 1780)

[W]hile our naval weakness, and the political dissolution of a large part of our army puts it out of our power to counteract them [the British] at the southward, or take advantage of them here.

I am happy however in assuring you that a better disposition never prevailed in the legislatures of the several States than does at this time. The folly of temporary expedients are seen into and exploded, and vigorous efforts will be used to obtain a permanent army, and carry on the war systematically, if the obstinacy of Great Britain should compel us to continue it. We want nothing but the aid of a loan to enable us to put our finance into a tolerable train. The country does not want resources, but we the means of drawing them forth.

George Washington, To James Duane (December 26, 1780)

There are two things (as I have often declared) which in my opinion are indispensably necessary to the well-being and good government of our public affairs; these are greater powers to Congress, and more responsibility and permanency in the executive bodies. If individual States conceive themselves at liberty to reject or alter any act of Congress which in a full representation of them has been solemnly debated and decided on, it will be madness in us to think of prosecuting the war. And if Congress suppose that Boards composed of their own body and always fluctuating are competent to the great business of war (which requires not only close application, but a constant and uniform train of thinking and acting) they will most assuredly deceive themselves. Many, many instances might be adduced in proof of this, but to a mind as observant as yours there is no need to enumerate them. One, however, as we feelingly experience it, I shall name. It is the want of clothing, when I have every reason to be convinced that the expense which the public is run to in this article would clothe our army as well as any troops in Europe. In place of it, we have enumerable objects of distressing want.

Necessity alone can justify the present mode of obtaining supplies, for besides the hazard and difficulty we meet with in procuring them, I am well convinced that the public is charged with double what it receives, and what it receives is doubly charged so expensive and precarious in the present system.

Irregular promotion, unless there is obvious cause for it, is not only injurious in ay service, but in ours is derogatory of the dignity of Congress for the officer who is superseded and afterwards restored is hurt by the first act and does not feel himself obliged by the latter (considering it as an act of justice only)…

George Washington, To John Laurens (January 15, 1781)

In compliance with your request I shall commit to writing the result of our conferences on the present state of American affairs, in which I have given you my ideas with that freedom and explicitness, which the objects of your commission, my entire confidence in you, and the exigency demand. To me it appears evident:

1st. That, considering the diffused population of these States, the consequent difficulty of drawing together its resources, the composition and temper of a part of the inhabitants, the want of a sufficient stock of national wealth as a foundation for revenue, and the almost total extinction of commerce, the efforts we have been compelled to make for carrying on the war have exceeded the natural abilities of this country, and by degrees brought it to a crisis, which renders immediate and efficacious succors from abroad indispensable to its safety.

2dly. That, notwithstanding, from the confusion always attendant on a revolution, from our having had governments to frame and every species of civil and military institutions to create, from that inexperience in affairs necessarily incident to a nation in its commencement, some errors may have been committed in the administration of our finances, to which a part of our embarrassments are to be attributed; yet they are principally to be ascribed to an essential defect of means, to the want of a sufficient stock of wealth, as mentioned in the first article, which, continuing to operate, will make it impossible by any merely interior exertions to extricate ourselves from those embarrassments, restore public credit, and furnish the funds requisite for the support of the war.

3dly. That experience has demonstrated the impracticability long to maintain a paper credit without funds for its redemption. The depreciation of our currency was in the main a necessary effect of the want of those funds; and its restoration is impossible for the same reason, to which the general diffidence that has taken place among the people is an additional and, in the present state of things, an insuperable obstacle.

4thly. That the mode, which for want of money has been substituted for supplying the army, by assessing a proportion of the productions of the earth, has hitherto been found ineffectual, has frequently exposed the army to the most calamitous distress, and, from its novelty and incompatibility with ancient habits, is regarded by the people as burthensome and oppressive, has excited serious discontents, and in some places alarming symptoms of opposition.

5thly. That from the best estimates of the annual expense of the war and the annual revenues which these States are capable of affording, there is a large balance to be supplied by public credit. The resource of domestic loans is inconsiderable, because there are properly speaking few moneyed men, and the few there are can employ their money more profitably otherwise; added to which, the instability of the currency and the deficiency of funds have impaired the public credit.

6thly. That the patience of the army, from an almost uninterrupted series of complicated distress, is now nearly exhausted, and their discontents matured to an extremity, which has recently had very disagreeable consequences, and which demonstrates the absolute necessity of speedy relief, a relief not within the compass of our means. You are too well acquainted with all their sufferings for want of clothing, for want of provisions, for want of pay.

7thly. That, the people being dissatisfied with the mode of supporting the war, there is cause to apprehend, that evils actually felt in the prosecution may weaken those sentiments which began it, founded, not on immediate sufferings, but on a speculative apprehension of future sufferings from the loss of their liberties. There is danger, that a commercial and free people, little accustomed to heavy burthens, pressed by impositions of a new and odious kind, may not make a proper allowance for the necessity of the conjuncture, and may imagine they have only exchanged one tyranny for another.

8thly. That, from all the foregoing considerations result, 1st, absolute necessity of an immediate, ample, and efficacious succor in money, large enough to be a foundation for substantial arrangements of finance, to revive public credit, and give vigor to future operations; 2dly, the vast importance of a decided effort of the allied arms on this continent, the ensuing campaign, to effectuate once for all the great objects of the alliance, the liberty and independence of these States. Without the first we may make a feeble and expiring effort the next campaign, in all probability the period to our opposition. With it, we should be in a condition to continue the war, as long as the obstinacy of the enemy might require. The first is essential to the latter; both combined would bring the contest to a glorious issue, crown the obligations, which America already feels to the magnanimity and generosity of her ally, and perpetuate the union by all the ties of gratitude and affection, as well as mutual advantage, which alone can render it solid and indissoluble.

9thly. That, next to a loan of money, a constant naval superiority on these coasts is the object most interesting. This would instantly reduce the enemy to a difficult defensive, and, by removing all prospect of extending their acquisitions, would take away the motives for prosecuting the war. Indeed, it is not to be conceived how they could subsist a large force in this country, if we had the command of the seas, to interrupt the regular transmission of supplies from Europe. This superiority, (with an aid in money) would enable us to convert the war into a vigorous offensive. I say nothing of the advantages to the trade of both nations, nor how infinitely it would facilitate our supplies.

10thly. That an additional succor in troops would be extremely desirable. Besides a reinforcement of numbers, the excellence of French troops, that perfect discipline and order in the corps already sent, which have so happily tended to improve the respect and confidence of the people for our allies, the conciliating disposition and the zeal for the service, which distinguish every rank, sure indications of lasting harmony—all these considerations evince the immense utility of an accession of force to the corps nowhere…But if the sending so large a succor in troops should necessarily diminish the pecuniary [financial] aid, which our allies may be disposed to grant, it were preferable to diminish the aid in men; for the same sum of money, which would transport from France and maintain here a body of troops with all the necessary apparatus, being put into our hands to be employed by us, would serve to give activity to a larger force within ourselves, and its influence would pervade the whole administration.

11thly. That no nation will have it more in its power to repay what it borrows than this. Our debts are hitherto small. The vast and valuable tracts of un-located lands, the variety and fertility of climates and soils, the advantages of every kind which we possess for commerce, insure to this country a rapid advancement in population and prosperity, and a certainty, its independence being established, of redeeming in a short term of years the comparatively inconsiderable debts it may have occasion to contract. That, notwithstanding the difficulties under which we labor, and the inquietudes prevailing among the people, there is still a fund of inclination and resource in the country, equal to great and continued exertions, provided we have it in our power to stop the progress of disgust, by changing the present system, and adopting another more consonant with the spirit of the nation, and more capable of activity and energy in public measures; of which a powerful succor of money must be the basis. The people are discontented; but it is with the feeble and oppressive mode of conducting the war, not with the war itself. They are not unwilling to contribute to its support, but they are unwilling to do it in a way that renders private property precarious; a necessary consequence of the fluctuation of the national currency, and of the inability of government to perform its engagements oftentimes coercively made. A large majority are still firmly attached to the independence of these States, abhor a reunion with Great Britain, and are affectionate to the alliance with France; but this disposition cannot supply the place of means customary and essential in war, nor can we rely on its duration amidst the perplexities, oppressions, and misfortunes that attend the want of them.

George Washington, To Robert Howe (January 22, 1781)

You are to take the command of the detachment which has been ordered to march from this post against the mutineers of the [New] Jersey line…The object of your detachment is to compel the mutineers to unconditional submission, and I am to desire you will grant no terms while they are with arms in their hands in a state of resistance.

If you succeed in compelling the revolted troops to a surrender, you will instantly execute a few of the most active and most incendiary leaders.

You will endeavor to collect such of the [New] Jersey troops to your standards as have not followed the pernicious example of their associates, and you will also try to avail yourself of the services of the militia, representing to them how dangerous to civil liberty the precedent is of armed soldiers dictating terms to their country.

George Washington, To Jacob Johnson (March 23, 1781)

In answer to your request to be appointed Chaplain of the Garrison at Wyoming I have to observe; that there is no provision made by Congress for such an establishment; without which, I should not be at liberty to make any appointment of the kind, however necessary or expedient (in my opinion), or however I might be disposed to give every species of countenance & encouragement to the cultivation of Virtue, Morality, and Religion.

George Washington, To Lund Washington (April 30, 1781)

I am very sorry to hear of your loss. I am a little sorry to hear of my own, but that which gives me most concern is that you should go on board the enemy’s vessels and furnish them with refreshments. It would have been a less painful circumstance to me to have heard that in consequence of your non-compliance with their request they had burnt my house and laid the plantation in ruins. You ought to have considered yourself as my representative and should have reflected on the bad example of communicating with the enemy and making a voluntary offer of refreshments to them with a view to prevent a conflagration.

It was not in your power, I acknowledge, to prevent them from sending a flag on shore, and you did right to meet it. But you should, in the same instant that the business of it was unfolded, have declared explicitly that it was improper for you to yield to the request, after which, if they had proceeded to help themselves, by force, you could but have submitted (and being unprovided [sic] for defense) this was to be preferred to a feeble opposition which only serves as a pretext to burn and destroy.

I am thoroughly persuaded that you acted from your best judgment, and belief that your desire to preserve my property and rescue the buildings from impending danger were your governing motives. But to go on board their vessels, carry them refreshments, commune with a parcel of plundering scoundrels, and request a favor by asking the surrender of my Negros, was exceedingly ill-judged, and tis to be feared will be unhappy in its consequences, as it will be a precedent for others, and may become a subject of animadversion [criticism].

I have no doubt of the enemy’s intention to prosecute the plundering plan they have begun. And, unless a stop can be put to it by the arrival of a superior naval force, I have as little doubt of its ending in the loss of all my Negroes, and in the destruction of my houses…

George Washington, To Charles Cornwallis (October 17, 1781)

An ardent desire to spare the further effusion of blood will readily incline me to listen to such terms for the surrender of your posts and garrisons of York and Gloucester as are admissible…for which purpose [to receive a reply from Cornwallis], a suspension of hostilities during two hours from the delivery of this letter will be granted.

George Washington, To Thomas McKean (October 19, 1781)

I have the honor to inform Congress that a reduction of the British Army under the command of Lord Cornwallis is most happily effected. The unremitting ardor which actuated every officer and soldier in the combined army on this occasion has principally led to this important event at an earlier period than my most sanguine hopes had induced me to expect. The singular spirit of emulation which animated the whole army from the first commencement of our operations has filled my mind with the highest pleasure and satisfaction, and has given me the happiest presages of success…

[T]hat correspondence was followed by the definitive capitulation which was agreed to and signed on the 19^th. Copy of which is also herewith transmitted, and which I hope will meet the approbation of Congress.

The very uncommon degree of duty and fatigue which the nature of the service required from the officers of engineers and artillery of both armies obliges me particularly to mention the obligations I am under to the commanding and other officers of those corps.

I wish it was in my power to express to Congress how much I feel myself indebted to the Count de Grasse and the officers of the [French] fleet under his command for the distinguished aid and support which have been afforded by them…Your Excellency and Congress will be pleased to accept my congratulations on this happy event…

George Washington, To Thomas Nelson, Jr. (October 27, 1781)

As the Assembly of your State are now sitting, I cannot omit so favorable an occasion to suggest to your Excellency some measures which I conceive our present circumstances and prospects require should be immediately adopted. To recruit the regiments assigned as the quota of this State, to their full establishment, and put them on a respectable footing in, in my opinion, the first great object, which demands the attention of your legislature…Many of these difficulties are now removed, and the present moment, which is certainly very favorable to the recruiting service, ought to be eagerly embraced for the purpose.

I will candidly confess to your Excellency that my only apprehension (which I may wish to be groundless) is, lest the late important success [referring to the victory at Yorktown], instead of exciting our exertions, as it ought to do, should produce such a relaxation in the prosecution of the war as will prolong the calamities of it. While on the other hand it appears to me to be our only sound policy (let that of the enemy be what it will) to keep a well-appointed, formidable army in the field, as long as the war shall continue. For should the British Cabinet still persevere in their hostile designs and the powers of Europe interpose in their behalf, this is a measure of absolute necessity. Or should a negotiation soon take place, the small expense which will be incurred by raising and keeping up a respectable force for a short time will be more than compensated by the advantages to be derived from it at the pacification.

Since this State is at present, entirely liberated from the ravages of war, I must take the liberty of recommending in the most earnest manner that every possible aid and assistance may be given by it to the Southern States which are yet invaded…the importance of the occasion [victory at Yorktown] will, I flatter myself, be a sufficient apology to them and your Excellency for the liberty I am now taking.

George Washington, To Thomas McKean (November 15, 1781)

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 31^st ulto. [sic] covering the resolutions of Congress of 29^th and a Proclamation for a Day of Public Prayer and Thanksgiving.

The success of the combined arms against our enemies at York and Gloucester, as it affects the welfare and independence of the United States, I viewed as a most fortunate event. In performing my part towards its accomplishment, I consider myself to have done only my duty and in the execution of that I ever feel myself happy. And at the same time, as it augurs [portends] well to our cause, I take a particular pleasure in acknowledging that the interposing Hand of Heaven in the various instances of our extensive preparations for this operation has been most conspicuous and remarkable.

George Washington, To Lewis Nicola (May 22, 1782)

With a mixture of great surprise and astonishment I have read with attention the sentiments you have submitted to my perusal. Be assured sir, no occurrence in the course of the war has given me more painful sensations than your information of there being such ideas [of overthrowing Congress] in the army as you have expressed, and I must view with abhorrence and reprehend with severity.

I am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct could have given encouragement to an address which to me seems big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. If I am not deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable. At the same time in justice to my own feelings I must add that no man possesses a more sincere wish to see ample justice done to the army than I do, and as far as my powers and influence, in a constitutional way extend, they shall be employed to the utmost of my abilities to effect it should there be any occasion. Let me conjure you then, if you have any regard for your country, concern for yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind, and never communicate, as from yourself or anyone else, a sentiment of the like nature.

George Washington, To Thomas Paine (September 18, 1782)

Your observations on the Period of Seven Years, as it applies itself to and affects British minds, are ingenious, and I wish it may not fail of its effects in the present instance.

The measures and the policy of the enemy are at present in great perplexity and embarrassment. But I have my fears whether their necessities…are yet arrived to that point which must drive them unavoidably into what they will esteem disagreeable and dishonorable terms of peace, such for instance as an absolute, unequivocal admission of American Independence on the terms upon which she can accept it.

For this reason, added to the obstinacy of the King, and the probably consonant principle of some of his principal ministers, I have not so full confidence in the success of the present negotiations for peace as some gentlemen entertain.

George Washington, To E. Westerlo (June 28, 1782)

Your benevolent wishes & fervent prayers for my personal welfare and felicity, demand all my gratitude. May the preservation of your civil and religious Liberties still be the care of an indulgent Providence; and may the rapid increase and universal extension of knowledge virtue and true Religion be the consequence of a speedy & honorable Peace.

George Washington, To Benjamin Franklin (October 18, 1782)

Independent of my esteem for your excellency, be assured sir that my respect and regard for the French nation at large, to whom this country is under so great obligations, as well as the very favorable impressions I have conceived for their particular characters, will secure my warmest attention to the persons of these distinguished noblemen.

We must now begin again to reflect upon the persevering obstinacy of the King, the wickedness of his Ministry, and the haughty pride of the nation which ideas recall to our minds very disagreeable prospects, and a probable continuance of our present trouble…The military operations of the campaign are drawing to a close.

George Washington, To William Gordon (October 23, 1782)

I never was among the sanguine ones, consequently shall be less disappointed than people of that description if our warfare should continue. From hence (it being the opinion of some men that our expectations have an accordance with our wishes) it may be inferred that mine are for a prolongation of the war. But maugre [make obsolete] this doctrine, and the opinion of others that a continuation of the war till the powers of Congress, our political systems, and general form of government are better established, I can say, with much truth, that there is not a man in America that more fervently wishes for peace and a return to private life than I do. Nor will any man go back to the rural and domestic enjoyments of it with more heartfelt pleasure than I shall. It is painful to me, therefore, to accompany this declaration with an opinion that while the present King [George III] can maintain the influence of his crown, and extort men and money from his subjects, so long will the principles by which he is governed push him on in his present wild career. The late change in his Ministry [British government] is an evidence of this, and other changes which I suspect will soon take place will convince us, I fear, of the fallacy of our hopes.

It appears to me impracticable for the best historiographer living to write a full and correct history of the present Revolution who has not free access to the Archives of Congress, those of individual States, the papers of the Commander in Chief, and commanding officers of separate departments. Mine, while the war continues, I consider as a species of public property, sacred in my hands, and of little service to any historian who has that general information which is only to be derived from exactitude from the sources I have mentioned. When Congress then shall open their registers and say it is proper for the servants of the public to do so, it will give me much pleasure to afford all the aid to your labors and laudable undertakings which my papers can give; till one of those period arrive, I do not think myself justified in suffering an inspection of, and any extracts to be taken from my records.

George Washington, To George J.L. Doll (November 16, 1782)

Convinced that our Religious Liberties were as essential as our lives, my endeavors have never been wanting to encourage and promote the one while I have been contending for the other—and I am highly flattered by finding that my efforts have met the approbation of so respectable a body.

In return for your kind concern for my temporal & eternal happiness, permit me to assure you that my wishes are reciprocal—and that you may be enabled to hand down your Religion pure & undefiled to a Posterity worthy of their Ancestors is [my] fervent prayer…

George Washington, To Joseph Jones (December 14, 1782)

In the course of a few days, Congress will, I expect receive an Address from the army on the subject of their grievances. This Address, though couched in very respectful terms, is one of those things which, though unpleasing, is just now unavoidable, for I was very apprehensive once that matters would have taken a more unfavorable turn from the variety of discontents which prevailed at this time. The temper of the army is much soured, and has become more irritable than at any period since the commencement of the war. This consideration alone prevented me (for everything else seemed to be in a state of inactivity and almost tranquility) from requesting leave to spend this winter in Virginia, that I might give some attention to my long neglected private concerns.

The dissatisfaction of the army had arisen to a great and alarming height, and combinations among the officers to resign at given periods in a body were beginning to take place when by some address and management their resolutions have been converted into the form in which they will now appear before Congress. What that honorable Body can or will do in the matter does not belong to me to determine, but policy, in my opinion, should dictate soothing measures, as it is an incontrovertible fact that no part of the community has undergone equal hardships, and borne them with the same patience and fortitude, that the army has done. Hitherto the officers have stood between the lower order of the soldiery and the public, and in more instances than one, at the hazard of their lives, have quelled very dangerous mutinies. But if their discontents should be suffered to rise equally high, I know not what the consequences may be.

George Washington, To Tench Tilghman (January 10, 1783)

The obstinacy of the King [George III], and his unwillingness to acknowledge the independency of this country, I have ever looked upon as the greatest obstacles in the way of a peace. Lord Shelburne [British Prime Minister], who is not only at the head of the administration, but has been introducing others of similar sentiments to his own, has declared that nothing but dire necessity should ever force the measure. Of this necessity, men will entertain different opinions. Mr. Fox it seems thought the period had arrived some time ago, but peace is not yet made nor will it, I conceive, if the influence of the Crown can draw forth fresh supplies from the nation for the purpose of carrying on the war.

By the meeting of Parliament, Lord Shelburne would have been able to ascertain two things: first, the best terms on which Great Britain could obtain peace from the belligerent powers. Secondly, the ground on which he himself stood. If he found it slippery, and that the voice of the people, was for pacific measures, he would then have informed the Parliament that after many months spent in negotiations such were the best terms he could obtain, and that the alternative of accepting them, or preparing vigorously for the prosecution of the war was submitted to their consideration being an extraordinary case and decision…Consequently, we shall either soon have peace, or not the most agreeable prospect of war before us, as it appears evident to me that the States, generally, are sunk into the most profound lethargy, while some of them are running quite retrograde…

[U]pon the whole, I am fixed in an opinion that peace, or a pretty long continuance of the war, will have been determined on before the adjournment for the holidays, and as it will be the middle or last of February before we shall know the result time will pass heavily on in this dreary mansion in which we are fast locked by frost and snow.

It would be but a renewal of what I have often repeated to you that there are few men in the world to whom I am more sincerely attached by inclination than I am to you. With the cause, I hope, most devoutly hope, there will soon be an end to military services.

George Washington, To Bushrod Washington (January 15, 1783)⁷

[A]s a friend, I give you the following advice.

Let the object which carried you to Philadelphia be always before your eyes; remember, that it is not the mere study of the law, but to become eminent in the profession of it which is to yield honor and profit. The first was your choice, let the second be your ambition, and that dissipation [excessive drinking/self-indulgence] is incompatible with both.

That the company in which you will improve most will be least expensive to you, and yet I am not such a stoic as to suppose you will, or to think it right that you ought always to be in company with Senators and Philosophers. But, of the young and juvenile kind, let me advise you to be choice. It is easy to make acquaintances, but very difficult to shake them off, however irksome and unprofitable they are found after we have once committed ourselves to them. The indiscretions and scrapes which very often they involuntarily lead one into proves equally distressing and disgraceful.

Be courteous to all, but intimate with few, and let those few be well tried before you give them your confidence. True friendship is a plant of slow growth, and must undergo and withstand the shocks of adversity before it is entitled to the appellation.

Let your heart feel for the affliction, and distresses of everyone, and let your hand give in proportion to your purse, remembering always the estimation of the widow’s mite. But, that it is not everyone who asketh that deserveth charity. All however are worthy of the inquiry, or the deserving may suffer.

Do not conceive that fine clothes make fine men any more than fine feathers make fine birds. A plain, genteel dress is more admired and obtains more credit than lace and embroidery in the eyes of the judicious and sensible.

The last thing I shall mention is of first importance, and that is to avoid gaming [gambling/speculation]. This is a vice which is productive of every possible evil, equally injurious to the morals and health of its votaries. It is the child of avarice, the brother of inequity, and the father of mischief. It has been the ruin of many worthy families, the loss of many a man’s honor, and the cause of suicide. To all those who enter the list, it is equally fascinating. The successful gamester pushes his good fortune till it is overtaken by a reverse. The losing gamester, in hopes of retrieving past misfortunes, goes on from bad to worse, till grown desperate, he pushes at everything, and loses his all. In a word, few gain by this abominable practice (the profit, if any, being diffused) while thousands are injured.

It will add not a little to my happiness to find those to who I am not nearly connected pursuing the right walk of life. It will be the sure road to my favor, and to those honors and places of profit which their country can bestow, as merit rarely goes unrewarded.

George Washington, To Nathanael Greene (February 6, 1783)

It is with a pleasure which friendship only is susceptible of I congratulate you on the glorious end you have put to hostilities in the Southern States; the honor and advantage of it, I hope, and trust, you will live long to enjoy. When this hemisphere will be equally free is yet in the womb of time to discover. A little while, however, tis presumed, will disclose the determinations of the British Senate [House of Lords] with respect to peace or war, as it seems to be agreed on all hands that the present premier [Prime Minister] (especially if he should find the opposition powerful) intends to submit the decision of these matters to Parliament.

If historiographers should be hardly enough to fill the page of history with the advantages that have been gained with unequal numbers (on the part of America) in the course of this contest, and attempt to relate the distressing circumstances under which they have been obtained, it is more than probable that posterity will bestow on their labors the epithet and marks of fiction, for it will not be believed that such a force as Great Britain has employed for eight years in this country could be baffled in their plan of subjugating it by numbers infinitely less, composed of men oftentimes half-starved, always in rags, without pay, and experiencing, at times, every species of distress which human nature is capable of undergoing.

George Washington, To Thomas Jefferson (February 10, 1783)

I feel myself much flattered by your kind remembrance of me in honor of your departure from this continent and for the favorable sentiments you are pleased to entertain of my services for this our common country. To merit the approbation of good and virtuous men is the height of my ambition, and will be a full compensation for all my toils and sufferings in the long and painful contest we have been engaged.

It gave me great pleasure to hear that the call upon you from Congress to pass the Atlantic in the character of one of their Ministers for Negotiating Peace had been repeated. But I hope you will have found the business already done. The speech of his Britannic Majesty is strongly indicative of the olive branch, and yet, as he observes, unforeseen events may place it out of reach.

At present, the prospect of peace absorbs or seems to do so every other consideration among us; and would, it is to be feared, leave us in a very unprepared state to continue the war if the negotiation at Paris should terminate otherwise than in a general pacification.

George Washington, To Lund Washington (February 12, 1783)

You do not seem to have considered the force and tendency of the words of your letter when you talk of the probability only of sending me ‘the long promised account,’ ‘the irregularity of them’; not you add ‘for want of knowledge in keeping them but neglect, your aversion to writing,’ etc. These are but other words for saying, ‘as I am not fond of writing, and it is quite immaterial whether you have any knowledge or information of your private concerns or whether the accounts are kept properly or not, I have delayed, and do not know how much longer I may continue to delay bringing you acquainted with these accounts irregular as they are.’…It is not to be supposed that all the avocations of my public duties, great and laborious as they have been, could render me totally insensible to the only means by which myself and family, and the character I am to maintain in life hereafter, to be supported, or that a precise account of these matters would not have been exceedingly satisfactory to me. Instead of this, except the account rendered at Valley Forge in the year 1778, I have received none since I left home…

I have often told you, and I repeat it with much truth, that the entire confidence which I placed in your integrity made me easy, and I was always happy at thinking that my affairs were in your hands, which I could not have been if they been under the care of a common manager. But this did not exempt me from the desires which all men have, of knowing the exact state of them. I have now to beg that you will not only send me the account of your receipts and expenditures of specie [precious metals], but of every kind of money subsequent to the account exhibited at Valley Forge, which ended sometime in April 1778. I want to know before I come home (as I shall come home with empty pockets whenever peace shall take place) how affairs stand with me, and what my dependence is.

George Washington, To Alexander Hamilton (March 4, 1783)

Enterprises, and the adoption of military and other arrangements that might be exceedingly proper in some circumstances, would be altogether improper in others. It follows, then, by fair deduction, that, where there is a want of information, there must be a chance medley; and a man may be upon the brink of a precipice before he is aware of his danger, when a little foreknowledge might enable him to avoid it…the knowledge I have derived from the public Gazettes, respecting the non-payment of taxes, contains all the information which I have received of the danger, that stares us in the face on acct. of our funds; and, so far was I from conceiving, that our finances was in so deplorable a state at this time, that I had imbibed ideas from some source of information or another, that, with the prospect of a loan from Holland, we should be able to rub along.

To you, who have seen the danger, to which the army has been exposed, to a political dissolution for want of subsistence, and the unhappy spirit of licentiousness, which it imbibed by becoming in one or two instances its own proveditors [sic], no observations are necessary to evince the fatal tendency of such a measure; but I shall give it as my opinion, that it would at this day be productive of civil commotions and end in blood. Unhappy situation this! God forbid we should be involved in it.

The predicament, in which I stand as Citizen and soldier, is as critical and delicate as can well be conceived. It has been the subject of many contemplative hours. The suffering of a complaining army on one hand, and the inability of Congress and tardiness of the States on the other, are the forebodings of evil, and may be productive of events, which are more to be deprecated than prevented. But I am not without hope, if there is such a disposition shown, as prudence and policy will dictate, to do justice, that your apprehensions in case of Peace are greater than there is cause for.

Be these things as they may, I shall pursue the same steady line of conduct, which has governed me hitherto; fully convinced, that the sensible and discerning part of the army cannot be unacquainted (although I never took pains to inform them) with the services I have rendered it on more occasions than one.

The just claims of the army ought, and it is to be hoped will have their weight with every sensible legislature in the United States, if Congress point to their demands, and show, if the case is so, the reasonableness of them, and the impracticability of complying with them without their aid…The States cannot surely be so devoid of common sense, common honesty, and common policy, as to refuse their aid on a full, clear, and candid representation of facts from Congress; more especially if these should be enforced by members of their own body, who might demonstrate what the inevitable consequences of failure will lead to.

…it is clearly my opinion, unless Congress have powers competent to all general purposes, that the distresses we have encountered, the expense we have incurred, and the blood we have spilt in the course of an eight years’ war, will avail us nothing.

George Washington, To Elias Boudinot (March 12, 1783)

It is with inexpressible concern I make the following report to your Excellency. Two days ago, anonymous papers were circulated in the army, requesting a general meeting of the officers on the next day. A copy of one of these papers is enclosed, No. 1. About the same time, another anonymous paper purporting to be an Address to the Officers of the Army, was handed about in a clandestine manner: a copy of this is marked No. 2 to prevent any precipitate and dangerous resolutions from being taken at this perilous moment, while the passions were all inflamed. As soon as these things came to my knowledge, the next morning I issued the enclosed Order No. 3. And in this situation the matter now rests…

I have nothing further to add, except a wish, that the measures I have taken to dissipate the storm which had gathered so suddenly and unexpectedly may be acceptable to Congress, and to assure them that in every vicissitude of circumstances, still actuated with the greatest zeal in their service, I shall continue my utmost exertions to promote the welfare of my country under the most lively expectation that Congress have the best intentions of doing ample justice to the army as soon as circumstances will possibly admit.

George Washington, To Joseph Jones (March 12, 1783)

[I]t should be known to you, and to such others you may think proper, that the temper of the army, though very irritable on acct. of their long-protracted sufferings, have been apparently extremely quiet while their business was depending before Congress, until four days past. In the meantime, it should seem, reports have been propagated in Philadelphia, that dangerous combinations were forming in the army; and this at a time, when there was not a syllable of the kind in agitation in camp…

[T]hat it was universally expected the army would not disband until they had obtained justice; that the public creditors looked up to them for redress of their Grievances, would afford them every aid, and even join them in the field if necessary; that some members of Congress wished the measure might take effect, in order to compel the Public, particularly the delinquent States, to do justice; with many other suggestions of a similar nature. From whence, and a variety of other considerations, it is generally believed, that the scheme was not only planned but also digested and matured in Philadelphia, and that some people have been playing a double game, spreading at the camp and in Philadelphia reports, and raising jealousies, equally void of foundation, until called into being by their vile artifices; for, as soon as the minds of the officers were thought to be prepared for the transaction, anonymous invitations were circulated, requesting a general meeting of the officers next day. At the same instant many copies of the address to the officers of the army was scattered in every State line of it.

So soon as I obtained knowledge of these things, I issued the order of the 11th, transmitted to Congress, in order to rescue the foot, that stood wavering on the precipice of despair, from taking those steps, which would have led to the abyss of misery, while the passions were inflamed and the mind tremblingly alive with the recollection of past sufferings, and their present feelings. I did this upon the principle that it is easier to divert from a wrong to a right path, than it is to recall the hasty and fatal steps that have been already taken.

Now they will have leisure to view the matter more calmly and seriously. It is to be hoped that they will be induced to adopt more rational measures, and wait a while longer for the settlement of their accounts; the postponing of which gives more uneasiness in the army than any other thing. There is not a man in it, who will not acknowledge that Congress have not the means of payment; but why not, say they one and all, liquidate the accounts and certify our dues? Are we to be disbanded and sent home without this? Are we afterwards to make individual applications for such settlements at Philadelphia, or any auditing office in our respective States; to be shifted perhaps from one board to another, dancing attendance at all, and finally perhaps, be postponed till we lose the substance in pursuit of the shadow?

However derogatory these ideas are with the dignity, honor, and justice of government, yet a matter so interesting to the army, and at the same time so easy to be effected by the public, as that of liquidating the accounts, is delayed without any apparent or obvious necessity, they will have their place in a mind that is soured and irritated. Let me entreat you, therefore, my good Sir, to push this matter to an issue; and, if there are Delegates among you, who are really opposed to doing justice to the army, scruple not to tell them, if matters should come to extremity, that they must be answerable for all the ineffable horrors, which may be occasioned thereby.

George Washington, To Joseph Jones (March 18, 1783)

The storm which seemed to be gathering with unfavorable prognostics when I wrote to you last is dispersed, and we are again in a state of tranquility. But do not, my dear sir, suffer this appearance of tranquility to relax your endeavors to bring the requests of the army to an issue.

By my official letter to Congress and the papers enclosed in it, you will have a full view of my assurances to, and the expectations of the army, and I persuade myself that the well-wishers to both, and of their country, will exert themselves to the utmost to eradicate the seeds of distrust, and give every satisfaction that justice requires, and the means which Congress possess, will them to do.

In a former letter I observed to you that a liquidation of accounts, in order that the balances might be ascertained in the great object of the army, and certainly nothing can be more reasonable. To have these balances discharged at this, or in any short time, however desirable, they know is impracticable, and do not expect it, although in the meantime, they must labor under the pressure of those sufferings, which is felt more sensibly by a comparison of circumstances. The situation of these gentlemen merit the attention of every thinking and grateful mind. As officers, they have been obliged to dress and appear in character, to effect which they have been obliged to anticipate their pay, or participate their estates. By the first, debts have been contracted by the latter, their patrimony is injured. To disband men, therefore, under these circumstances before their accounts are liquidated, and the balances ascertained would be to set upon the doors of the jails, and then to shut them upon seven years faithful and painful services. Under any circumstances which the nature of the case will admit, they must be considerable sufferers, because necessity will compel them to part with their certificates for whatever they will fetch…nothing is too extravagant to expect from men who conceive they are ungratefully and unjustly dealt by…

Let it suffice that the very attempt [to cheat the military of pay] would imply a want of justice, and fix an indelible stain upon our national character, as the whole world, as well from the enemies of publication (without any intention to serve us) as our own must be strongly impressed with the sufferings of this army from hunger, cold, and nakedness in almost every stage of the war.

George Washington, To Lund Washington (March 19, 1783)

I did not write to you by the last post. I was too much engaged at the time in counteracting a most insidious attempt to disturb the repose of the army, and sow the seeds of discord between the civil and military powers of the continent to attend to small matters. The author of this attempt, whoever he may be, is yet behind the curtain, and as conjectures might be wrong, I shall be silent at present. The good sense, the virtue, and patient forbearance of the army on this, as upon every other trying occasion which has happened to call them into action has again triumphed, and appeared with more luster than ever. But if the States will not furnish the supplied required by Congress, thereby enabling the superintendent of finance to feed, clothe, and pay the army; if they suppose the war can be carried on without money, or that money can be borrowed without permanent funds to pay the interest of it; if they had no regard to justice because it is attended with experience; if gratitude to men who have rescued them from the jaws of danger and brought them to the haven of Independence and peace is to subside, as danger is removed; if the sufferings of the army who have borne and forborne more than any other class of men in the United States, expending their health, and many of them their all in an unremitting service of near eight years in the field, encountering hunger, cold, and nakedness are to be forgotten; if it is presumed there is no bounds to the patience of the army, or that when peace takes place their claims for pay due and rewards promised may die with the military non-existence of its members; if such, I say, should be the sentiments of the States, and that their conduct, or the conduct of some, does but too well warrant the conclusion, well may another anonymous addresser step forward and with more effect than the last did say with him ‘You have arms in your hands, do justice to yourselves, and never sheath the sword ‘till you have obtained it.’

How far men who labor under the pressure of accumulated distress and are irritated by a belief that they are treated with neglect, ingratitude, and injustice in the extreme might be worked upon by designing men is worthy of very serious consideration. But justice, policy, yea common sense, must tell every man that the creditors of the continent cannot receive payments unless funds are provided for it, and that our national character, if these are much longer neglected, must be stamped with indelible infamy in every nation of the world where the fact is known.

George Washington, To Nathanael Greene (March 31, 1783)

I have the pleasure to enclose to you a letter from the Marquis de Lafayette…all the accounts which this vessel has brought of a conclusion of a general peace you will receive before this can reach you. You will give the highest credit to my sincerity when I beg you to accept my warmest congratulations on this glorious and happy event, an event which crowns all our labors and will sweeten the toils which we have experienced in the course of eight years distressing war. The army here universally participate in the general joy which this event has diffused, and, from this consideration, together with the late resolutions of Congress for the commutation of the half pay, and for a liquidation of all their accounts, their minds are filled with the highest satisfaction. I am sure you will join with me in this additional occasion of joy.

It remains only for the States to be wise, and to establish their independence on that basis of inviolable efficacious Union, and firm Confederation, which may prevent their being made the sport of European policy. May Heaven give them wisdom to adopt the measures still necessary for this important purpose.

George Washington, To Theodorick Bland (April 4, 1783)

Permit me to offer you my unfeigned thanks for the clear and candid opinions which you have given me of European politics. Your reasonings upon the conduct of the different Powers at War would have appeared conclusive, had not the happy event which has been since announced to us, and on which I most sincerely congratulate you, proved how well they were founded. Peace has given rest to speculative opinions respecting the time and terms of it…It is now the bounden duty of everyone to make the blessings thereof as diffusive as possible. Nothing would so effectually bring this to pass as the removal of those local prejudices which intrude upon and embarrass that great line of policy which alone can make us a free, happy and powerful People. Unless our Union can be fixed upon such a basis as to accomplish these, certain I am we have toiled, bled and spent our treasure to very little purpose.

We have now a National character to establish, and it is of the utmost importance to stamp favorable impressions upon it; let justice be then one of its characteristics, and gratitude another. Public creditors of every denomination will be comprehended in the first; the Army in a particular manner will have a claim to the latter…This Army is of near eight years’ standing, six of which they have spent in the Field without any other shelter from the inclemency of the seasons than Tents, or such Houses as they could build for themselves without expense to the public. They have encountered hunger, cold and nakedness. They have fought many Battles and bled freely. They have lived without pay, and in consequence of it, officers as well as men have subsisted upon their rations. They have often, very often, been reduced to the necessity of eating salt pork, or beef not for a day, or a week only but months together without vegetables or money to buy them, or a cloth to wipe on.

Is there no discrimination then—no extra exertion to be made in favor of men in these peculiar circumstances, in the event of their military dissolution? Or, if no worse cometh of it, are they to be turned adrift soured and discontented, complaining of the ingratitude of their Country, and under the influence of these passions, to become fit subjects for unfavorable impressions, and unhappy dissentions?…

([A]s I mean to be frank and free in my communications on this subject) I will not conceal from you—it is the dissimilarity in the payments to men in Civil and Military life. The first receive everything—the other get nothing but bare subsistence—they ask what this is owing to? and reasons have been assigned which, say they, amount to this—that men in civil life have stronger passions and better pretensions to indulge them, or less virtue and regard for their Country than us,—otherwise, as we are all contending for the same prize and equally interested in the attainment of it, why do we not bear the burden equally?

As it is the first wish of my Soul to see the War happily and speedily terminated; and those who are now in arms, returned to Citizenship with good dispositions, I think it a duty which I owe to candor and to friendship, to point you to such things as my opportunities have given me reason to believe will have a tendency to harmony and bring them to pass.

George Washington, To Marquis de Lafayette (April 5, 1783)

My mind upon the receipt of this news was instantly assailed by a thousand ideas, all of them contending for pre-eminence, but believe me my dear friend, none could supplant or ever will eradicate that gratitude which has arisen from a lively sense of the conduct of your nation [France]…

[A]nd from my admiration of the virtues of your August sovereign [Louis XVI], who at the same time that he stands confessed the father of his own people and defender of American rights, has given the most exalted example of moderation in treating with his enemies.

We now stand an independent people, and have yet to learn political tactics. We are placed among the nations of the earth, and have a character to establish; but how we shall acquit ourselves time must discover; the probability, at least I fear it is, that local, or state politics will interfere too much with that more liberal and extensive plan of government which wisdom and foresight, freed from the mist of prejudice, would dictate; and that we shall be guilty of many blunders in treading this boundless theater before we shall have arrived at any perfection in this art. In a word, that the experience which is purchased at the price of difficulties and distress will alone convince us that the honor, power, and true interest of this country must be measured by a continental scale; and that every departure therefrom weakens the Union, and may ultimately break the band which holds us together. To avert these evils, to form a Constitution that will give consistently and stability and dignity to the Union, and sufficient powers to the great council of the Nation [Congress] for general purposes, is a duty which is incumbent upon every man who wishes well to his country, and will meet with my aid as far as it can be rendered in the private walks of life, for henceforward, my mind shall be unbent, and I will endeavor to glide down the stream of life ‘till I come to that abyss from whence no traveler is permitted to return.

A country [France] to which I shall ever feel a warm affection, and if I do not pay it that tribute of respect which is to be derived from a visit, it may be ascribed with more justice to any other cause than a want of inclination, or the pleasure of going there under the auspices of your friendship.

The scheme, my dear Marquis, which you propose as a precedent, to encourage the emancipation of the black people of this country from that state of bondage in which they are held is a striking evidence of the benevolence of your heart. I shall be happy to join you in so laudable a work, but will defer going into detail of the business ‘till I have the pleasure of seeing you.

George Washington, To Guy Carleton (April 9, 1783)

I feel great satisfaction from your Excellency’s dispatches by Captain Stapleton, conveying to me the joyful enunciation of your having received official accounts of the conclusion of a general peace, and a cessation of hostilities [with Britain]. Without official authority from Congress, but perfectly relying on your Excellency’s communication, I can at this time only issue my orders to the American outposts to suspend all acts of hostilities until further orders. This shall be instantly done. And I shall be happy in the momentary expectation of having it in my power to publish to the American army a general cessation of all hostilities between Great Britain and America.

To your Excellency’s observations respecting particular articles of the peace, I am obliged to reply that it rests with Congress to direct measures for the observance of all the articles contained in the provisional treaty. Your Excellency may be assured that as soon as I receive my instructions from the Sovereign power of the United States [Congress], I shall rejoice in giving every facility in my power to carry it into complete execution…being perfectly disposed to contribute to the diffusing as much as possible the happy effects of this great event.” [FP-His-Mil]

I thank your Excellency for the assurances you are pleased to express of your readiness to cultivate that spirit of perfect good will and conciliation which you wish should take place between the King of Great Britain and the United States and the citizens and subjects of both countries. And I beg sir that you will please to accept a tender from me of reciprocal good will and attention, accompanied with sincere congratulations to your Excellency on this joyful restoration of peace and general tranquility with an earnest wish that, resting on the firm basis of mutual interest and good will, it may prove as lasting as it is happy.

George Washington, To Tench Tilghman (April 24, 1783)

No man, indeed, can relish the approaching peace with more heartfelt and grateful satisfaction than myself. A mind always upon the stretch, and tortured with a diversity of perplexing circumstances, needed a respite, and I anticipate the pleasure of a little repose and retirement. It has been happy for me, always to have gentlemen about me willing to share my troubles, and help me out of difficulties. To none of these can I ascribe a greater share of merit than to you.

I will then leave the States to improve their present Constitution, so as to make the peace and independency for which we have fought and obtained a blessing to millions yet unborn. But to do this, liberality must supply the place of prejudice, and unreasonable jealousies must yield to that confidence which ought to be placed in the sovereign power of these States [Congress]. In a word, the constitution of Congress must be competent to the general purposes of Government, and of such a nature as to bind us together.

George Washington, To Jean de Neufville (April 25, 1783)

The part your States have taken in the Causes of the United States of America, has inspired the Sons of the Latter, with the happiest presages of a most beneficial Connection between the two Republics—Sister Republics—whose similarity of Constitution’s, Interests & Religion bid fair to bind them together by the most lasting Ties—The Idea gives me peculiar Satisfaction—And it is the Wish of my Heart, that the Union now commencing, may be as durable as it is pleasing—nay—that, grounded in reciprocal Interest & Affection, it may be perpetual as Time.

The distinguished part you have taken in the great Events of the present Age, and your Affection for the Interests of Happiness of our rising Nation, will endear your Character with the Sons of American Freedom, among whom you have long been spoken of with Terms of particular Veneration & Respect.

George Washington, To John Rodgers (June 11, 1783)

Aikin Bible

Glorious indeed has been our Contest; glorious, if we consider the prize for which we have contended, and glorious in its Issue: But in the midst of our Joys, I hope we shall not forget that, to Divine Providence is to be ascribed the Glory & the Praise.

Your Proposition respecting Mr. Aikins’ Bible would have been particularly noticed by me, had it been suggested in season. But the late Resolution of Congress for discharging Part of the Army, take off near two thirds of our Numbers, it is now too late to make the Attempt. It would have pleased me well, if Congress had been pleased to make such an important present to the brave fellows; who have done so much for the Security of their Country’s Rights and Establishment.

George Washington, To John Augustine Washington (June 15, 1783)

I wait here with much impatience the arrival of the Definitive Treaty [of peace]. This event will put a period not only to my military service, but also to my public life, as the remainder of my natural one shall be spent in that kind of ease and repose which a man enjoys that is free from the load of public cares, and subject to no other control than that of his own judgment, and a proper conduct for the walk of private life.

It is much to be wished (but I think a good deal to be doubted) that the States would adopt a liberal and proper line of conduct for the government of this country. It should be founded in justice. Prejudices, unreasonable jealousies, and narrow policy should be done away. Competent powers for all general purposes should be vested in the sovereignty of the United States, or anarchy and confusion will soon succeed. Liberty, when it degenerates into licentiousness, begets confusion, and frequently ends in tyranny or some woeful catastrophe, and to suppose that the affairs of this content can be conducted by thirteen distinct sovereignties, or by one without adequate powers, are mere solecisms in politics. It is in our united capacity we are known, and have a place among the nations of the earth. Depart from this, and the States separately would stand as unknown in the world, and as contemptible (comparatively speaking) as an individual county in any one State is to the State itself, and in others perhaps, has never been heard of and would be as little attended to but for the sport of politicians to answer their sinister views, or the purposes of designing courts [foreign countries] if they should grow jealous of our rising greatness as an Empire, and wish to play off one State against another. We are a young nation, and have a character to establish. It behooves us therefore to set out right for first impressions will be lasting, indeed are all in all. If we do not fulfill our public engagement, if we do not religiously observe our treaties, if we shall be faithless to, and regardless of those who have lent their money, given their personal services, and spilt their blood, and who are now returning home poor and penniless, in what light shall we be considered?

George Washington, To Elias Boudinot (June 17, 1783)

Although I pretend not myself to determine how far the district of unsettled country which is described in the petition is free from the claim of every State, or how far this disposal of it may interfere with the views of Congress. Yet it appears to me this is the tract which from its local position and peculiar advantages ought to be the first settled in preference to any other whatever, and I am perfectly convinced that it cannot be so advantageously settled by any other class of men as by the disbanded officers and soldiers of the army, to whom the faith of government hath long since been pledged, that lands should be granted at the expiration of the war, in certain proportions agreeably to their respective grades.

I am induced to give my sentiments thus freely on the advantages to be expected from this plan of colonization, because it would connect our governments with the frontiers, extend our settlements progressively, and plant a brave, a hard, and respectable race of people…A settlement formed by such men would give security to our frontiers, the very name of it would awe the Indians, and more than probably prevent the murder of many innocent families which frequently, in their usual mode of extending our settlements and encroachments on the hunting grounds of the natives, fall the hapless victims of savage barbarity.

The settlers, being in the prime of life, inured to hardship and taught by experience to accommodate themselves in every situation, going in a considerable body, and under the patronage of government, would enjoy in the first instance advantages in procuring subsistence, and all the necessaries for a comfortable beginning, superior to any common class of emigrants and quite unknown to those who have heretofore extend themselves beyond the Appalachian Mountains. They may expect after a little perseverance competence and independence for themselves, a pleasant retreat in old age, and the fairest prospects for their children.

George Washington, To William Gordon (July 8, 1783)

It now rests with the Confederated Powers, by the line of conduct they mean to adopt, to make this Country great, happy, and respectable; or to sink it into littleness—worse perhaps—into Anarchy and confusion; for certain I am, that unless adequate Powers are given to Congress for the general purposes of the Federal Union, that we shall soon moulder [sic] into dust and become contemptible in the eyes of Europe, if we are not made the sport of their Politicks. To suppose that the general concerns of this Country can be directed by thirteen heads, or one head without competent powers, is a solecism, the bad effects of which every man who has had the practical knowledge to judge from, that I have, is fully convinced of; though none perhaps has felt them in so forcible and distressing a degree…

[A] great part of which [the problems he is referring to] has arisen from that want of energy in the Federal Constitution, which I am complaining of, and which I wish to see given to it by a Convention of the People, instead of hearing it remarked that, as we have worked through an arduous contest with the powers Congress already have (but which, by the by, have been gradually diminishing) why should they be invested with more?

To say nothing of the invisible workings of Providence, which has conducted us through difficulties where no human foresight could point the way; it will appear evident to a close examiner, that there has been a concatenation of causes to produce this event; which in all probability, at no time, or under any other circumstances, will combine again—We deceive ourselves therefore by the mode of reasoning, and, what would be much worse, we may bring ruin upon ourselves by attempting to carry it into practice.

We are known by no other character among nations than as the United States—Massachusetts or Virginia is no better defined, nor any more thought of by Foreign Powers than the County of Worcester in Massachusetts is by Virginia, or Gloucester County in Virginia is by Massachusetts, (respectable as they are)…

Otherwise I think it may properly be asked for what purpose do we farcically pretend to be United? Why do Congress spend months together in deliberating upon, debating, and digesting plans, which are made as palatable, and as wholesome to the Constitution of this country as the nature of things will admit of, when some States will pay no attention to them, and others regard them but partially; by which means all those evils which proceed from delay, are felt by the whole; while the compliant States are not only suffering by these neglects, but in many instances are injured most capitally by their own exertions; which are wasted for want of the united effort. A hundred thousand men, coming one after another, cannot move a ton weight; but the united strength of 50 would transport it with ease. So has it been with great part of the expense which has been incurred this War. In a word, I think the blood and treasure which has been spent in it has been lavished to little purpose, unless we can be better cemented; and that is not to be effected while so little attention is paid to the recommendations of the Sovereign Power.

For Heaven’s sake, who are Congress? Are they not the creatures of the People, amenable to them for their conduct, and dependent from day to day on their breath? Where then can be the danger of giving them such Powers as are adequate to the great ends of Government, and to all the general purposes of the Confederation (I repeat the word general, because I am no advocate for their having to do with the particular policy of any state, further than it concerns the Union at large)? What may be the consequences if they have not these Powers, I am at no loss to guess; and deprecate the worst; for sure I am, we shall, in a little time become as contemptible in the great scale of politics, as we now have it in our power to be respectable. And that, when the band of Union gets once broken, everything ruinous to our future prospects is to be apprehended. The best that can come of it, in my humble opinion is, that we shall sink into obscurity, unless our civil broils should keep us in remembrance and fill the page of history with the direful consequences of them.

I know of no tax more convenient, none so agreeable, as that which every man may pay—or let it alone, as his convenience, abilities, or Inclination shall prompt. I am therefore a warm friend to the impost.

I am positive no history of the Revolution can be perfect if the Historiographer has not free access to that fund of information [Washington’s papers].

George Washington, To Robert Stewart (August 10, 1783)

In a contest, long, arduous, and painful, which has brought forth the abilities of men in military and civil life, and exposed them with halters about their necks, not only to common danger but many of them to the verge of poverty and the very brink of ruin, justice requires, and a grateful government certainly will bestow those places of honor and profit which necessity must create upon those who have risked life, fortune, and health to support its cause. But independent of these considerations, I have never interfered in any civil appointments, and I only wait (and with anxious impatience) the arrival of the Definitive Treaty [of Peace] that I may take leave of my military employments and bidding adieu to public life forever, enjoy the shades of retirement that ease and tranquility to which, for more than eight years, I have been an entire stranger, and for which a mind which has been constantly on the stretch during that period, and perplexed with a thousand embarrassing circumstances, oftentimes without ray of light to guide it, stands much in need.

Gratitude to a nation to whom I think America owes much, and an ardent desire to see the country and customs of the French people are strong inducements to make a visit to France. But a consideration more powerful than these will I dare say be an insuperable bar to such a tour. An impaired fortune (much injured by this contest) must turn me into those walks of retirement where perhaps the consciousness of having discharged to the best of my abilities the great trust reposed in me, and the duty I owed my country, must supply the place of other gratifications and may perhaps afford as rational and substantial entertainment as the gayer scenes of a more enlarged theater.

George Washington, To John Witherspoon (August 25, 1783)

The part your States have taken in the Causes of the United States of America, has inspired the Sons of the Latter, with the happiest presages of a most beneficial Connection between the two Republics—Sister Republics—whose similarity of Constitution’s, Interests & Religion bid fair to bind them together by the most lasting Ties…

If in the execution of an arduous Office I have been so happy as to discharge my duty to the Public with fidelity and success, and to obtain the good opinion of my fellow Soldiers and fellow Citizens; I attribute all the glory to that Supreme Being, who hath caused the several parts which have been employed in the production of the wonderful Events we now contemplate, to harmonize in the most perfect manner—and who was able by the humblest instruments as well as by the most powerful means to establish and secure the liberty and happiness of these United States.

I now return you Gentlemen my thanks for your benevolent wishes, and make it my earnest prayer to Heaven, that every temporal and divine blessing may be bestowed on the Inhabitants of Princeton, on the neighborhood, and on the President and Faculty of the College of New Jersey, and that the usefulness of this Institution in promoting the interests of Religion & Learning may be universally extended.

George Washington, To James Duane (September 7, 1783)

My Sentiments, with respect to the proper line of conduct to be observed towards these people [Native Americans], coincide precisely with those delivered by Genl. Schuyler, so far as he has gone, in his letter of the 29th July to Congress (which, with the other Papers, is herewith returned), and for the reasons he has there assigned.

To suffer a wide-extended Country to be overrun with Land Jobbers, speculators, and monopolizers [sic], or even with scattered settlers, is in my opinion inconsistent with that wisdom and policy, which our true interest dictates, or that an enlightened people ought to adopt; and, besides, is pregnant of disputes both with the Savages and among ourselves, the evils of which are easier to be conceived than described. And for what, but to aggrandize a few avaricious men, to the prejudice of many and the embarrassment of Government? For the People engaged in these pursuits, without contributing in the smallest degree to the support of Government, or considering themselves as amenable to its Laws, will involve it, by their unrestrained conduct, in inextricable perplexities, and more than probably in a great deal of bloodshed.

My ideas, therefore, of the line of conduct proper to be observed, not only towards the Indians, but for the government of the Citizens of America, in their Settlement of the Western Country, (which is intimately connected therewith,) are simply these: First, and as a preliminary, that all prisoners, of whatever age or sex, among the Indians, shall be delivered up. That the Indians should be informed, that after a contest of eight years for the Sovereignty of this Country, Great Britain has ceded all the lands to the United States within the limits described by the—article of the provisional treaty.

That as they (the Indians), maugre all the advice and admonition which could be given them at the commencement and during the prosecution of the war, could not be restrained from acts of hostility, but were determined to join their arms to those of Great Britain and to share their fortunes, so consequently, with a less generous people than Americans, they would be made to share the same fate, and be compelled to retire along with them beyond the Lakes. But, as we prefer Peace to a state of Warfare; as we consider them as a deluded People; as we persuade ourselves that they are convinced, from experience, of their error in taking up the Hatchet against us, and that their true Interest and safety must now depend upon our friendship; as the Country is large enough to contain us all; and as we are disposed to be kind to them and to partake of their Trade, we will, from these considerations and from motives of compassion, draw a veil over what is past, and establish a boundary line between them and us, beyond which we will endeavor to restrain our People from Hunting or Settling, and within which they shall not come but for the purposes of Trading, Treating, or other business unexceptionable in its nature.

In establishing this line, in the first instance, care should be taken neither to yield nor to grasp at too much; but to endeavor to impress the Indians with an idea of the generosity of our disposition to accommodate them, and with the necessity we are under, of providing for our warriors, our young people who are growing up, and strangers who are coming from other Countries to live among us, and if they should make a point of it, or appear dissatisfied with the line we may find it necessary to establish, compensation should be made them for their claims within it.

It is needless for me to express more explicitly, because the tendency of my observations evinces it is my opinion, that, if the legislature of the State of New York should insist upon expelling the Six Nations from all the Country they Inhabited previous to the war, within their Territory, (as General Schuyler seems to be apprehensive of) it will end in another Indian war. I have every reason to believe from my inquiries, and the information I have received, that they will not suffer their Country (if it were our policy to take it before we could settle it) to be wrested from them without another struggle…The same observations, I am persuaded, will hold good with respect to Virginia, or any other State, which has powerful tribes of Indians on their Frontiers…

[A] Proclamation, in my opinion, should issue, making it Felony (if there is power for the purpose, if not, imposing some very heavy restraint) for any person to Survey or Settle beyond the Line; and the Officers commanding the Frontier Garrisons should have pointed and peremptory orders to see that the Proclamation is carried into effect.

Measures of this sort would not only obtain Peace from the Indians, but would, in my opinion, be the means of preserving it. It would dispose of the Land to the best advantage, People the Country progressively, and check land jobbing and monopolizing, which are now going forward with great avidity, while the door would be open and terms known for everyone to obtain what is reasonable and proper for himself, upon legal and constitutional ground.

Every advantage, that could be expected or even wished for, would result from such a mode of procedure. Our settlements would be compact, government well established, and our barrier formidable, not only for ourselves but against our neighbors; and the Indians, as has been observed in General Schuyler’s letter, will ever retreat as our settlements advance upon them, and they will be as ready to sell, as we are to buy. That it is the cheapest, as well as the least distressing way of dealing with them, none, who is acquainted with the nature of an Indian warfare, and has ever been at the trouble of estimating the expense of one, and comparing it with the cost of purchasing their Lands, will hesitate to acknowledge.

Unless some such measures, as I have here taken the liberty of suggesting, are speedily adopted, one of two capital evils, in my opinion, will inevitably result, and is near at hand; either that the settling, or rather overspreading, of the western Country will take place by a parcel of Banditti [bandits], who will bid defiance to all authority, while they are skimming and disposing of the cream of the country at the expense of many suffering officers and soldiers, who have fought and bled to obtain it, and are now waiting the decision of Congress to point them to the promised reward of their past dangers and toils; or a renewal of Hostilities with the Indians, brought about more than probably by this very means.

How far agents for Indian affairs are indispensably necessary, I shall not take upon me to decide; but, if any should be appointed, their powers should be circumscribed, accurately defined, and themselves rigidly punished for every infraction of them…No purchase under any pretense whatever should be made by any other authority than that of the sovereign power, or the Legislature of the State in which such Lands may happen to be; nor should the agents be permitted directly or indirectly to trade, but to have a fixed and ample Salary allowed them, as a full compensation for their trouble.

I confess there is a difficulty in getting a man, or set of men, in whose abilities and integrity there can be a perfect reliance, without which the scheme is liable to such abuse as to defeat the salutary ends, which are proposed from it. At any rate, no person should be suffered to Trade with the Indians without first obtaining a license, and giving security to conform to such Rules and Regulations as shall be prescribed, as was the case before the war.

At first view it may seem a little extraneous, when I am called upon to give an opinion upon the terms of a Peace proper to be made with the Indians that I should go into the formation of New States. But the Settlement of the Western Country, and making a Peace with the Indians, are so analogous, that there can be no definition of the one, without involving considerations of the other; for, I repeat it again, and I am clear in my opinion, that policy and economy point very strongly to the expediency of being upon good terms with the Indians, and the propriety of purchasing their Lands in preference to attempting to drive them by force of arms out of their Country; which, as we have already experienced, is like driving the wild Beasts of ye forest, which will return as soon as the pursuit is at an end, and fall perhaps upon those that are left there; when the gradual extension of our settlements will as certainly cause the savage, as the wolf, to retire; both being beasts of prey, though they differ in shape. In a word, there is nothing to be obtained by an Indian war, but the soil they live on, and this can be had by purchase at less expense, and without that bloodshed and those distresses, which helpless women and children are made partakers of in all kinds of disputes with them.

George Washington, To Joshua Holmes (December 2, 1783)

The bosom of America is open to receive not only the opulent and respectable Stranger, but the oppressed and persecuted of all Nations and Religions; whom we shall welcome to a participation of all our rights and privileges, if by decency and propriety of conduct they appear to merit the enjoyment.

George Washington, To George Clinton (December 28, 1783)

I am now a private citizen on the banks of the Potomac, where I should be happy to see you if your public business would ever permit, and where in the meantime I shall fondly cherish the remembrance of all your former friendship.

The scene is at last closed. I feel myself eased of a load of public care. I hope to spend the remainder of my days in cultivating the affections of good men, and in the practice of the domestic virtues…

George Washington, To Benjamin Harrison (January 18, 1784)

That the prospect before us is, as you justly observe, fair, none can deny; but what use we shall make of it is exceedingly problematical; not but that I believe all things will come right at last; but like a young heir, come a little prematurely to a large inheritance, we shall wanton and run riot until we have brought our reputation to the brink of ruin, and then like him shall have to labor with the current of opinion when compelled perhaps, to do what prudence and common policy pointed out as plain as any problem in Euclid in the first instance.

The disinclination of the individual states to yield competent powers to Congress for the Federal Government—their unreasonable jealousy of that body and of one another—and the disposition which seems to pervade each of being all-wise and all-powerful within itself, will, if there is not a change in the system, be our downfall as a nation. This is as clear to me as the A, B, C. And I think we have opposed Great Britain and have arrived at the present state of peace and independency to very little purpose if we cannot conquer our own prejudices.

For my own part, although I am returned to, and am now mingled with the class of private citizens, and like them must suffer all the evils of a tyranny, or of too great an extension of Federal powers; I have no fears arising from this source in my mind, but I have many, and powerful ones indeed, which predict the worst consequences from a half starved, limping government, that appears to be always moving upon crutches and tottering at every step.

My political therefore is to be wise in the choice of delegates—support them like gentlemen while they are our representatives—give them competent powers for all Federal purposes—support them in the due exercise thereof—and lastly, to compel them to close attendance in Congress during their delegation…These things…would, or I am exceedingly mistaken, make us one of the most wealthy, happy, respectable, and powerful nations that ever inhabited the terrestrial globe—without them, we shall in my opinion soon be everything which is the direct reverse of them.

George Washington, To Tench Tilghman (March 24, 1784)

I am a good deal in want of a house joiner and bricklayer…If they are good workmen, they me be of Asia, Africa, or Europe. They may be Mahometans [Muslims], Jews, or Christian of any sect—or they may be atheists—I would however prefer middle aged to young men, and those who have good countenances and good character on ship board, to others who have neither of these to recommend them—although, after all, the proof of the pudding must be in the eating.

George Washington, To James Craik (March 25, 1784)

I do not think myself at liberty to unfold papers which contain all the occurrences and transactions of my late command; first, because I conceive it to be respectful to the sovereign power [Congress] to let them take the lead in this business—and next, because I have, upon this principle, refused to Doctor Gordon and others who are about to write the history of the revolution this privilege.

I will frankly declare to you, my Dr. Doctor, that any memoirs of my life, distinct and unconnected with the general history of the war, would rather hurt my feelings than tickle my pride whilst I lived. I had rather glide gently down the stream of life, leaving it to posterity to think and say what they please of me, than by an act of mine to have vanity or ostentation imputed to me…

It did not occur to me at that moment, from the manner in which the question propounded—that no history of my life, without a very great deal of trouble indeed, could be written with the least degree of accuracy—unless recourse was had to me, or to my papers for information—that it would not derive sufficient authenticity without a promulgation of this fact—and that such a promulgation would subject me to the imputation I have just mentioned—which would hurt me the more, as I do not think vanity is a trait of my character.

It is for this reason, and condor obliges me to be explicit, that I shall stipulate against the publication of the memoirs Mr. Bowie has in contemplation to give the world, ‘till I should see more probability of avoiding the darts which I think would be pointed at me on such an occasion…

George Washington, To Madam Marquis de Lafayette (April 4, 1784)⁸

From the clangor of arms and the bustle of a camp—freed from the cares of public employment and the responsibility of office—I am now enjoying domestic ease under the shadow of my own vine and my own fig tree [Mic. 4:4]…

You have youth…and must have a curiosity to see the country, young, rude and uncultivated as it is; for the liberties of which your husband has fought, bled, and acquired much glory—where everybody admires, everybody loves him—Come then, let me entreat it, and call my cottage your home; for your own doors do not open to you with more readiness than mine would. You will see the plain manner in which we live, and meet the rustic civility, and you shall taste the simplicity of rural life…

George Washington, To William Gordon (May 8, 1784)

It ever has been my opinion however, that no historian can be possessed of sufficient materials to compile a perfect history of the revolution, who has not free access to the archives of Congress—to those of the respective states—to the papers of the commander in chief, and to those of the officers who have been employed in separate departments…Some things probably will never be known.

Added to this, I have always thought that it would be respectful to the sovereign power of these United States [Congress] to follow, rather than to take the lead of them in disclosures of this kind. But if there should be political restraints under which Congress are not inclined at this time to lay open their papers, and these restraints do not in their opinion extend to mine—the same being signified by that honorable body to me, my objections to your request will cease.

George Washington, To Benjamin Harrison (October 10, 1784)

I shall take the liberty now, my dear sir, to suggest a matter which would (if I am not too short sighted a politician) mark your administration as an important era in the annals of this country [Virginia], if it should be recommended by you and adopted by the Assembly. It has been long my decided opinion that the shortest easiest and least expensive communication with the invaluable and extensive country back of us would be by one, or both of the rivers of this States, which have their sources in the Appalachian Mountains.

But that this may not stand as mere matter of opinion or assertion, unsupported by facts (such at least as the best maps now extent, compared with the oral testimony, which my opportunities in the course of the war have enabled me to obtain). I shall give you the different routes and distances from Detroit by which all the trade of the northwestern parts of the United territory must pass unless the Spaniard, contrary to their present policy, should engage part of it, or the British should attempt to force nature by carrying the trade of the upper Lakes by the river Outawaies [sic] into Canada, which I scarcely think they will or could effect.

A people, however, who are possess of the spirit of commerce—who see, and who will pursue their advantages, may achieve almost anything. In the meantime, under the uncertainty of these undertakings, they are smoothing the roads and paving the ways for the trade of that western world. That New York will do the same so soon as the British garrisons are removed, which are at present insurmountable obstacles in their way, no person knows the temper, genius, and policy of those people as well as I do can harbor the smallest doubt.

Thus much with respect to rival States—let me now take a short view of our own, and being aware of the objections which are in the way, I will enumerate, in order to contrast them with the advantages. The first and principal one is the unfortunate jealousy which ever has and it is to be feared ever will prevail, lest one part of the State should obtain an advantage over the other part (as if the benefits of trade were not diffusive and beneficial to all)—then follow a train of difficulties viz.—that our people are already heavily taxed—that we have no money; that the advantages of this trade are remote; that the most direct route for it is through other State over whom we have no control; that the routes over which we have control are as distant as either of those which lead to Philadelphia, Albany, or Montreal; that a sufficient spirit of commerce does not pervade the citizens of this Commonwealth [Virginia]; that we are in fact doing for others what they ought to do for themselves.

Without going into the investigation of a question which has employed the pens of able politicians, namely whether trade with foreigners is an advantage or disadvantage to a country. This State as a part of the Confederated States (all of whom have the spirit of it very strongly working within them) must adopt it, or submit to the evils arising therefrom without receiving its benefits—common policy therefore points clearly and strongly to the propriety of our enjoying all the advantages which nature and our local situation afford us, and evinces clearly that unless this spirit could be totally eradicated in other States as well as in this, and every man made to become either a cultivator of the land, or a manufacturer of such articles as are promoted by necessity, such stimulas [sic] should be employed as will force this spirit, by showing to our countrymen the superior advantages we possess beyond others, and the importance of being upon a footing with our neighbors.

If this is fair reasoning, it ought to follow as a consequence that we should do our part towards opening the communication with the fur and peltry trade of the Lakes, and for the produce of the country which lies within, and which will, so soon as matters are settled with the Indians, and the terms on which Congress mean to dispose the land and found to be favorable are announced—settle faster than any other ever did, or anyone would imagine. This then when considered in an interested point of view is alone sufficient to excite our endeavors, but in my opinion, there is a political consideration for so doing which is of still greater importance. I need not remark to you sir that the flanks and rear of the United States are possessed by other powers—and formidable ones too; nor, how necessary it is to apply the cement of interest to bind all parts of the Union together by indissoluble bonds—especially that part of it which lies immediately west of us with the middle States For, what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people? How entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend if the Spaniards on their right, and Great Britain on their left, instead of throwing stumbling blocks in their way as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance? What, when they get strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive (from the emigration of foreigners who will have no particularly predilection towards us, as well as from the removal of our own citizens) will be the consequence of their having formed close connections with both, or either of those powers in a commercial way? It needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell?

The Western settlers (I speak now from my own observation) stand as it were upon a pivot—the touch of a feather would turn them any way…But smooth the road once, and make easy the way for them, and then see what an influx of articles will be poured in upon us—how amazingly our exports will be increased by them, and how amply we shall be compensated for any trouble and expense we may encounter to effect it.

A combination of circumstances makes the present conjuncture more favorable for Virginia than for any other State in the Union to fix these matters…the western inhabitants would do their part towards its execution. Weak as they are, they would meet us at least half way, rather than be driven into the arms of, or be made dependent upon foreigners, which would eventually either bring on a separation of them from us, or a war between the United States and one or the other of those powers—most probably with the Spaniards. The preliminary steps to the attainment of this great object would be attended with very little expense, and might, at the same time that it served to attract the attention of the western country, and to convince the wavering inhabitants thereof of our disposition to connect ourselves with them and to facilitate their commerce with us, would be a mean of removing those jealousies which otherwise might take place among ourselves. These, in my opinion, are to appoint Commissioners who, from their suspicion of prejudice or predilection to one part more than to another. Let those Commissioners make an actual survey [of the land]…These things being one, I shall be mistaken if prejudice does not yield to facts, jealousy to candor, and finally, that reason and nature thus aided, will dictate what is right and proper to be done…Upon the whole, the object in my estimation is of vast commercial and political importance. In these lights I think posterity will consider it, and regret (if our conduct should give them cause) that the present favorable moment to secure so great a blessing for them was neglected.

I consider Rumsey’s discovery for working boats against stream by mechanical powers (principally) as not only a very fortunate invention for these States in general, but as one of those circumstances which have combined to render the present epocha favorable above all others for fixing, if we are disposed to avail ourselves of them, a large portion of the trade of the western country in the bosom of this States irrevocably.

George Washington, To Richard Henry Lee (December 14, 1784)

Individual States opposing the measures of the United States—encroaching upon the territory of one another—and setting up old and obsolete claims is verifying the predictions of our enemies, and, in reality, is truly unfortunate. If the western tribes are as well disposed to treat with us as the northern Indians have been, and will cede a competent district of country northwest of the Ohio [River] to answer our present purposes, it would be a circumstance as unexpected as pleasing to me, for it was apprehended, if they agreed to the latter at all, it would be reluctantly. But the example of the Six Nations [Indians] who (if they have not relinquished their claim) have pretentions to a large part of those lands, may have a powerful influence on the western gentry, and smooth the way for the Commissioners who have proceeded to Fort Pitt.

It is said (how founded I know not) that our Assembly [Virginia’s] have repealed their former Act respecting British debts. If this be true, and the State of New York have not acted repugnant to the terms of the treaty, the British government can no longer hold the western posts under that cover, but I shall be mistaken if they not entrench themselves behind some other expedient to effect it, or, will appoint a time for surrendering them, of which we cannot avail ourselves—the probable consequence whereof will be the destruction of the works…

[T]he advantages [of exploring the country] would be unbounded—for sure I am nature has made such a display of her bounties in those regions that the more the country is explored, the more it will rise in estimation—consequently greater will the revenue be to the Union.

To hit upon a happy medium price for the western lands for the prevention of monopoly on one hand—and not discouraging useful settlers on the other, will, no doubt, require consideration, but ought not, in my opinion, to employ too much time before the terms are announced. The spirit of emigration is great—people have got impatient—and thought you cannot stop the road, it is yet in your power to mark the way. A little while and you will not be able to do either—it is easier to prevent than to remedy an evil.

George Washington, To Benjamin Harrison (January 22, 1785)

The attention and good wishes which the [Virginia] Assembly have evidenced by their act for vesting in me 150 shares in the navigation of each of the rivers Potomac and James, is more than mere compliment—there is an unequivocal and substantial meaning annexed—But believe me sir, notwithstanding these, no circumstance has happened to me since I left the walks of public life which has so much embarrassed me. On the one hand, I consider this act, as I have already observed, as a noble and unequivocal proof of the good opinion, the affection, and disposition of my country [Virginia] to serve me; and I should be hurt if by declining the acceptance of it, my refusal should be construed into disrespect or the smallest slight put upon the generous intention of the country, or that an ostentatious display of disinterestedness or public virtue was the source of the refusal.

On the other hand, it is really my wish to have my mind and actions, which are the result of contemplation, as free and independent as the air, that I may be more at liberty (In things which my opportunities and experience have brought me to the knowledge of) to express my sentiments and, if necessary, to suggest what may occur to me under the fullest conviction, that although my judgment may be arraigned, there will be no suspicion that sinister motives had the smallest influence in the suggestion.

In a word, under whatever pretense, and however customary these gratuitous gifts are made in other countries, should I not thence forward be considered as a dependent? One moments thought of which would give me more pain than I should receive pleasure from the product of all the tolls, was every farthing of them vest in me, although I consider it as one of the most certain and increasing estates in the country.

I have no inclination (as I have already observed) to avail myself of the generosity of the country [Virginia], nor do I want to appear ostentatiously disinterested (for more than probably my refusal would be ascribed to this motive) or that the country should harbor an idea that I am disposed to set little value on her favors—the manner of granting which is as flattering as the grant is important.

I shall have time enough between this and the sitting of the next [Virginia] Assembly to consider the tendency of the act—and in this, as in all other matters, will endeavor to decide for the best.

George Washington, To George William Fairfax (February 27, 1785)

It may be, and I dare say is presumed that if I am not returned to my former habits of life, the change is to be ascribed to a preference of ease and indolence, to exercise and my wonton activity. But be assured my dear sir, that at no period of the war have I been obliged myself to go through more drudgery in writing, or have suffered so much confinement to effect it as since what is called my retirement to domestic ease and tranquility. Strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true—that I have been able since I came home to give very little attention to my own concerns or to those of others with which I was entrusted. My accounts stand as I left them near ten years ago. Those who owed me money, a very few instances excepted, availed themselves of what are called the tenders laws and paid me off with a shilling and sixpence on the pound—those to whom I owed I have now to pay under the heavy taxes with specie [precious metals], or its equivalent value.

At the same time that I determine not to accept the generous and gratuitous offer of my country [Virginia], I am at a loss in what manner to decline it without an apparent slight or disrespect to the Assembly on the one hand, or exposing myself to the imputation of pride or an ostentatious display of disinterestedness on the other—neither have an existence in my breast, and neither would I wish to have ascribed to me. I shall have time however to think of the matter before the next session, for as if it was meant that I should have no opportunity to decline the offer at the last, it was the closing act thereof, without any previous intimation or suspicion in my mind of the intention.

George Washington, To Francis Hopkinson (May 16, 1785)

‘In for a penny, in for a pound’ is an old adage. I am so hackneyed to the touches of the painters pencil that I am now altogether at their beck, and sit on a monument whilst they are delineating the lines of my face. It is a proof among many others of what habit and custom can effect.

Letters from England, recommendatory of this gentleman [the artist painting Washington] came to my hand previous to his arrival in America—not only as an artist of acknowledged eminence, but as one who had discovered a friendly disposition towards this country—for which, it seems, he had been marked.

George Washington, To William Goddard (June 11, 1785)

I never had a difference with that gentleman [General Charles Lee] but on public ground, and my conduct towards him upon this occasion was such only as I conceived myself indispensably bound to adopt in discharge of the public trust reposed in me. If this produced in him unfavorable sentiments of me, I yet can never consider the conduct I pursued, with respect to him, either wrong or improper; how I may regret that it may have been differently viewed by him, and that it excited his censure and animadversions [criticism].

Should there appear in General Lee’s writings anything injurious or unfriendly to me [he had died in 1782], the impartial and dispassionate world must decide how far I deserved it from the general tenor of my conduct.

I am gliding down the stream of life and wish, as is natural, that my remaining days may be undisturbed and tranquil; and conscious of my integrity, I would willingly hope that nothing would occur tending to give me anxiety, but should anything present itself in this or in any other publication, I shall never undertake the painful task of recrimination—nor do I know that I shall even enter upon my justification.

George Washington, To Edmund Randolph (July 30, 1785)

Although it is not my intention to derive any pecuniary [financial] advantage from the generous vote of the Assembly of this State [Virginia], consequent of its gratuitous gift of fifty shares in each of the navigations of the rivers Potomac and James; yet, as I consider these undertakings as of vast political and commercial importance to the States on the Atlantic, especially to those nearest the center of the Union and adjoining the Western Territory, I can let no act of mine impede the progress of the work. I have therefore come to the determination to hold the shares which the Treasurer was directed to subscribe on my account in trust for the use and benefit of the public; unless I shall be able to discover, before the meeting of the Assembly, that it would be agreeable to it to have the product of the tolls arising from these shares applied as a fund on which to establish two charity schools, one on each river, for the education and support of the children of the poor and indigent of this country who cannot afford to give it, particularly of those men of this description, who have fallen in defense of the rights and liberties of it. If the plans succeed, of which I have no doubt, I am sure it will be a very productive and increasing fund, and the monies thus applied will be a beneficial institution.

I am aware that my non-acceptance of these shares will have various motives ascribed to it, among which an ostentatious display of disinterestedness—perhaps the charge of disrespect or slight of the favors of my country [Virginia], may lead the van. But under a consciousness that my conduct herein is not influenced by considerations of this nature, and that I shall act more agreeably to my own feelings, and more consistent with my early declarations by declining to accept them, I shall not only hope for indulgence, but a favorable interpretation of my conduct. My friends, I persuade myself, will acquit me, the world I hope will judge charitably.

George Washington, To James McHenry (August 22, 1785)

As I have ever been a friend to adequate powers of Congress, without which it is evident to me we never shall establish a national character, or be considered as on a respectable footing by the powers of Europe, I am sorry I cannot agree with you in sentiment not to enlarge them for the regulating of commerce. I have neither time nor abilities to enter into a full discussion of this subject; but it should seem to me, that your arguments against it, principally that some States may be more benefited than others by a commercial regulation, apply to every matter of general utility. Can there be a case enumerated, in which this argument has not its force in a greater or less degree? We are either a united people under one head and for federal purposes, or we are thirteen independent sovereignties, eternally counteracting each other. If the former, whatever such a majority of the States, as the constitution points out, conceives to be for the benefit of the whole, should, in my humble opinion, be submitted to by the minority. Let the southern States always be represented; let them act more in union; let them declare freely and boldly what is for the interest of, and what is prejudicial to, their constituents; and there will, there must be, an accommodating spirit.

I confess to you candidly, that I can foresee no evil greater than disunion; than those unreasonable jealousies, (I say unreasonable, because I would have a proper jealousy always awake, and the United States on the watch to prevent individual States from infracting the constitution with impunity) which are continually poisoning our minds and filling them with imaginary evils to the prevention of real ones.

As you have asked the question, I answer, I do not know that we can enter upon a war of imposts with Great Britain, or any other foreign power; but we are certain, that this war has been waged against us by the former; professedly upon a belief that we never could unite in opposition to it; and I believe there is no way of putting an end to, or at least of stopping the increase of it, but to convince them of the contrary. Our trade, in all points of view, is as essential to Great Britain, as hers is to us; and she will exchange it upon reciprocal and liberal terms, if better cannot be had.

To sum up the whole, I foresee, or think I do it, the many advantages which will arise from giving powers of this kind to Congress (if a sufficient number of States are required to exercise them), without any evil, save that which may proceed from inattention, or want of wisdom in the formation of the act; whilst, without them, we stand in a ridiculous point of view in the eyes of the nations of the world, with whom we are attempting to enter into commercial treaties, without means of carrying them into effect; who must see and feel, that the Union or the Sates individually are sovereigns, as best suits their purposes; in a word, that we are one nation to-day and thirteen to-morrow. Who will treat with us on such terms?

George Washington, To George Mason (October 3, 1785)

Although no man’s sentiments are more opposed to any kind of restraint upon religious principles than mine are, yet I must confess that I am not amongst the number of those who are so much alarmed at the thoughts of making people pay towards the support of that which they professes, if of the denominations of Christians, or declare themselves Jews, Mahomitans [Muslims] or otherwise, and thereby obtain proper relief.

As the matter now stands, I wish an assessment [tax to support religion] had never been agitated—and as it has gone so far that the bill could die an easy death, because I think it will be productive of more quiet to the state [Virginia] than by enacting it into law.

George Washington, To James Warren (October 7, 1785)

The assurance of your friendship, after a silence of more than six years, is extremely pleasing to me. Friendships formed under the circumstances that ours commenced are not easily eradicated, and I can assure you that mine has undergone no diminution. Every occasion therefore of renewing it will give me pleasure, and I shall be happy, at all times, to hear of your welfare.

The war, as you have very justly observed, has terminated most advantageously for America—and a large and glorious field is presented to our view. But I confess to you, my dear sir, that I do not think we possess wisdom, or justice enough to cultivate it properly. Illiberality, jealousy, and local policy mix too much in our public councils for the good government of the Union. In a word, the Confederation appears to me to be little more than an empty sound, and Congress a nugatory [of little value] body, the ordinances of it being very little attended to.

To me, it is a solecism in politics, indeed it is one of the most extraordinary things in nature, that we should Confederate for National purposes, and yet be afraid to give rulers thereof who are the creatures of our own making—appointed for a limited and short duration—who are amenable for every action—recallable at any moment—and subject to all the evils they may be instrumental in producing, sufficient powers to order and direct the affairs of that nation.

By such policy as this the wheels of government are clogged, and our brightest prospects, and that high expectation which was entertained of us by the wondering world, is turned into astonishment, and from the high ground on which we stood, we are descending into the valleys of confusion and darkness. That we have it in our power to be one of the most respectable nations upon Earth admits not, in my humble opinion, of a doubt if we would pursue a wise, just, and liberal policy towards one another—and would keep good faith with the rest of the world. That our resources are ample and increasing none can deny. But whilst they are grudgingly applied, or not applied at all, we give the vital stab to public credit, and must sink into contempt in the eyes of Europe.

It has long been a speculative question amongst philosophers and wise men whether foreign commerce is of advantage to any country—that is, whether the luxury, effeminacy, and corruption which are introduced by it are counterbalanced by the conveniences and wealth of which it is productive. But the right decision of this question is of very little importance to us. We have abundant reason to be convinced that the spirit of trade which pervades these States is not to be restrained. It behooves us therefore to establish it upon just principles, and this, any more than other matters of national concern, cannot be done by thirteen heads, differently constructed. The necessity therefore of a controlling power is obvious, and why it should be withheld is beyond comprehension.

It would afford me great pleasure to go over (with a mind more at ease) those grounds in your State [Massachusetts] which I travelled in the years of 1775 and 1776, and to congratulate on the happy change with those characters who participated of the anxious cares with which those moments were filled, and for whom I entertain a sincere regard. But I do not know whether to flatter myself with the enjoyment of it. The deranged state of my affairs from an absence and total neglect of them for almost nine years, and a pressure of other matters, allow me little leisure for gratifications of this sort.

George Washington, To Robert Morris (April 12, 1786)

I hope it will not be conceived from these observations that it is my wish to hold the unhappy people who are the subject of this letter in slavery. I can only say that there is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it—but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by legislative authority, and thus, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting.

But when slaves who are happy and content to remain with their present masters, are tampered with and seduced to leave them, when master are taken at unawares by these practices, when a conduct of this sort begets discontent on one side and resentment on the other, and when it happens to fall on a man whose purse will not measure with that of the society, and he loses his property for want of means to defend it—it is oppression in the latter case, and not humanity in any, because it introduces more evils that it can cure.

George Washington, To Marquis de Lafayette (May 10, 1786)

It is to be lamented however that great characters are seldom without a blot. That one man should tyrannize over millions will always be a shade in that of the former, whilst it is pleasing to hear that a due regard to the rights of mankind is characteristic of the latter: I shall revere and love him for this trait of his [the King of Prussia’s] character.

For what purpose does Providence permit this [war]? Is it as a scourge for mankind, or is it to prevent them from becoming too populous?

It is one of the evils of democratical governments that the people, not always seeing and frequently mislead, must often feel before they can act right—but then evils of this nature seldom fail to work their own cure. It is to be lamented nevertheless that the remedies are so slow, and that those who may wish to apply them seasonably are not attended to before they suffer in person, in interest, and in reputation.

I am not without hopes that matters will soon take a favorable turn in the Federal Constitution—the discerning part of the community have long since seen the necessity of giving adequate powers to Congress for national purposes, and the ignorant and designing must yield to it ‘ere long.

[Speaking of a possible Constitution Convention] “This is a nomination of some of its first characters to meet other Commissioners from the several states in order to consider of and decide upon such powers as shall be necessary for the sovereign power of them to act under, which are to be reported to the respective legislatures at their autumnal sessions for, it is to be hoped, final adoption, thereby avoiding those tedious and futile deliberations which result from recommendations and partial concurrences…

A General Convention is talked of by many for the purpose of revising and correcting the defects of the Federal government, but whilst this is the wish of some, it is the dread of others, from an opinion that matters are not yet sufficiently ripe for such an event.

The British still occupy our posts to the westward, and will, I am persuaded, continue to do so under one pretense or another, no matter how shallow, as long as they can. I have not the smallest doubt but that every secret engine in their power is continually at work to inflame the Indian mind, with a view to keep it at variance with these States for the purpose of retarding our settlements to the westward, and depriving us of the fur and peltry trade of that country…

[Y]our late purchase of an estate in the colony of Cayenne with a view of emancipating the slaves on it is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirit would diffuse itself generally into the minds of the people of this county, but I despair of seeing it—some petitions were presented to the Assembly [of Virginia] at its last session for the abolition of slavery, but they could scarcely obtain a reading. To set them afloat at once would, I really believe, be productive of much inconvenience and mischief, but by degrees it certainly might, and assuredly ought to be effected and that too by legislative authority.

The favorable terms in which you speak of Mr. Jefferson gives me great pleasure: he is a man of whom I early imbibed the highest opinion…

George Washington, To John Jay (May 18, 1786)

I coincide perfectly in sentiment with you, my dear sir, that there are errors in our National Government which call for correction, loudly I will add. But I shall find myself happily mistaken if the remedies are at hand. We are certainly in a delicate situation, but my fear is that the people are not yet sufficiently misled to retract from error! To be plainer, I think there is more wickedness than ignorance mixed with our councils.

Under this impression, I scarcely know what opinion to entertain of a General [Constitutional] Convention. That it is necessary to revise and amend the Articles of Confederation I entertain no doubt, but what may be the consequences of such an attempt is doubtful. It certainly is tottering! Ignorance and design are difficult to combat. Out of these proceed illiberality, improper jealousies, and a train of evils which often times, in republican governments, must be sorely felt before they can be removed. The former, that is ignorance, being a fit soil for the latter to work in, tools are employed which a generous mind would disdain to use, and which nothing but time, and their own puerile or wicked productions, can show the inefficacy and dangerous tendency of [it].

I think often of our situation, and view it with concern. From the high ground on which we stood—from the plain path which invited our footsteps, to be so fallen!—so lost! is really mortifying. But virtue, I fear, has, in a great degree, taken its departure from our land, and the want of disposition to do justice is the source of the national embarrassments, for under whatever guise or coloring are given to them, this, I apprehend, is the origin of the evils we now feel, and probably shall labor sometime yet.

George Washington, To Thomas Jefferson (August 1, 1786)

We have no news of importance. And if we had, I should hardly be in the way of learning it, as I divide my time between the superintendence of opening the navigations of our rivers and attention to my private concerns. Indeed I am too much secluded from the world to know with certainty what sensation the refusal of the British to deliver up the western posts has made on the public mind. I fear the edge of its sensibility is somewhat blunted.”

Federal measures are not yet universally adopted…Some other States are, in my opinion, falling into very foolish and wicked plans of emitting paper money. I cannot however give up my hopes and expectations that we shall ‘ere long adopt a more liberal system of policy. What circumstances will lead, or what misfortunes will compel us to it, is more than can be told without the spirit of prophecy.

In the meantime, the people are industrious, economy begins to prevail, and our internal governments are, in general, tolerably well administered.

Thus some of the pillars of the Revolution fall [referring to the deaths of General Nathaniel Greene, General Alexander McDougall, and Colonel Tilghman]. Others are moldering by insensible degrees. May our country never want props to support the glorious fabric!

George Washington, To John Jay (August 15, 1786)

I am sorry to be assured of what indeed I had little doubt before, that we have been guilty of violating the treaty [with Great Britain] in some instances. What a misfortune it is the British should have so well grounded a pretext for their palpable infractions? And what a disgraceful part, out of the choice of difficulties before us, are we to act?

Your sentiments, that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be is also beyond the reach of my foresight. We have error to correct. We have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our Confederation. Experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good without the intervention of a coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long as a nation without having lodged somewhere a power which will pervade the whole Union in as energetic a manner as the authority of the different state governments extends over the several States. To be fearful of vesting Congress, constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. Could Congress exert them for the detriment of the public without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion? Are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents? By the rotation of appointment must not they mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? Is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously for fear of losing their popularity and future election? We must take human nature as we find it. Perfection falls not to the share of mortals.

Be that as it may, requisitions [requests for money and troops] are a perfect nihility where thirteen sovereign, independent, disunited States are in the habit of discussing and refusing compliance with them at their option. Requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a bye-word throughout the land. If you tell the legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace [with Great Britain] and invaded the prerogatives of the Confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What then is to be done? Things cannot go on in the same train forever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people being disgusted with the circumstances will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme into another. To anticipate and prevent disastrous contingencies would be the part of wisdom and patriotism.

What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing! I am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking, thence to acting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous! What a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal liberty are merely ideal and fallacious! Would to God that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend.

Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port and having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on a sea of troubles. Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would have much weight on the minds of my countrymen—they have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in the most solemn manner. I had then perhaps some claims to public attention. I consider myself as having none at present.

George Washington, To John Francis Mercer (September 9, 1786)

With respect to the first, I never mean (unless some particular circumstances should compel me to it) to possess another slave by purchase, it being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by the legislature by which slavery in this country [Virginia] may be abolished by slow, sure, and imperceptible degrees.

George Washington, To Henry Lee (October 31, 1786)

The picture which you have drawn, and the accounts which are published of the commotions and temper of numerous bodies in the eastern States, are equally to be lamented and deprecated. They exhibit a melancholy proof of what our transatlantic foe have predicted; and of another thing perhaps, which is still more to be regretted, and is yet more unaccountable, that mankind left to themselves are unfit for their own government. I am mortified beyond expression whenever I view the clouds which have spread over the brightest morn that ever dawned upon any country. In a word, I am lost in amazement when I behold what intriguing, the interested views of desperate characters, jealousy, and ignorance of the minor part, are capable of effective as a scourge on the major part of our fellow citizens of the Union; for it is hardly to be imagined that the great body of the people, though they will not act, can be so enveloped in darkness, or short-sighted as not to see the rays of a distant sun through all this mist of intoxication and folly.

You talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease the tumults in Massachusetts [Shays’ Rebellion]—I know not where that influence is to be found, and if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for the disorders. Influence is no government. Let us have one by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be secured, or let us know the worst at once. Under these impressions, my humble opinion is that there is a call for decision. Know precisely what the insurgents aim at. If they have real grievances, redress them, if possible, or acknowledge the justice of their complaints and your inability of doing it in the present moment. If they are not, employ the force of government against them at once. If this is inadequate, all will be convinced that the superstructure is bad, or wants support. To be more exposed in the eyes of the world and more contemptible than we already are is hardly possible…for like snowballs, such bodies increase by every movement unless there is something in the way to obstruct and crumble them before the weight is too great and irresistible.

These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous things. Let the reins of government then be braced in time and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the Constitution be reprehended. If defective, let it be amended, but not suffered to be trampled on whilst it has an existence…But in all matters of great national movement, he only true line of conduct—in my opinion—is dispassionately to compare the advantages and disadvantages of the measure proposed, and decide from the preponderancy. The lesser evil (where there is a choice of them) should always yield to the greater.

George Washington, To James Madison (November 5, 1786)

The decision of the House on the question respecting a paper emission [of money] is portentous, I hope, of an auspicious session. It may be certainly be classed among the important questions of the present day, and merited the serious consideration of the Assembly. Fain would I hope that the great, and most important of all objects—the federal government—may be considered with that calm and deliberate attention which the magnitude of it so loudly calls for at this critical moment.

Let prejudices, unreasonable jealousies, and local interest yield to reason and liberality. Let us look to our national character, and to things beyond the present period. No morn ever dawned more favorable than ours did—and no day was ever more clouded than the present! Wisdom, and good examples are necessary at this time to rescue the political machine from the impending storm.

Without some alteration in our political creed, the superstructure we have been seven years raising at the expense of much blood and treasure must fall. We are fast verging to anarchy and confusion!

[Referring to a letter by General Henry Knox about the mood in Massachusetts] “…‘their creed is that the property of the United States has been protected from confiscation of Britain by the joint exertions of all, and therefore ought to be the common property of all. And he that attempts opposition to this creed is an enemy to equity and justice, and ought to be swept from off the face of the earth…They are determined to annihilate all debts, public and private, and have agrarian laws, which are easily effected by the means of unfunded paper money which shall be a tender in all cases whatever.’

How melancholy is the reflection that in so short a space we should have made such large strides toward fulfilling the prediction of our transatlantic foes! ‘Leave them to themselves, and their government will soon dissolve.’ Will not the wise and good strive hard to avert this evil? Or will their supineness [apathy] suffer ignorance, and the arts of self-interested designing disaffected and desperate characters to involve this rising empire in wretchedness and contempt? What stronger evidence can be given of the want of energy in our governments than these disorders? If there exists not a power to check them, what security has a man of life, liberty, or property?

Thirteen sovereignties pulling against each other, and all tugging at the federal head, will soon bring ruin on the whole; whereas a liberal and energetic Constitution, well-guarded and closely watched, to prevent encroachments, might restore us to that degree of respectability and consequence, to which we had a fair claim and the brightest prospect of attaining.

George Washington, To James Madison (November 18, 1786)

Washington had been elected as President of the Society of the Cincinnati and felt obligated to attend its meeting, which happened to begin around the same time as the Constitutional Convention (May 1787).

It gives me the most sensible pleasure to hear that the Acts of the present session [of the Virginia legislature] are marked with wisdom, justice, and liberality. They are the palladium of good policy, and the only paths that lead to national happiness. Would to God every State would let these be the leading features of their constituent characters, those threatening clouds which seem ready to burst on the Confederacy would soon dispel. The unanimity with which the Bill was received for appointing commissions agreeably to the recommendation of the Convention at Annapolis, and the uninterrupted progress it has met with since, are indications of a favorable issue. It is a measure of equal necessity and magnitude, and may be the spring of reanimation.

Although I have a bid a public adieu to the public walks of life, and had resolved never more to tread that theatre; yet, if upon an occasion so interesting to the wellbeing of the Confederacy it should have been the wish of the Assembly that I should have been an associate in the business of revisiting the federal system, I should, from a sense of the obligation I am under for repeated proofs of confidence in me more than from any opinion I should have entertained of my usefulness, have obeyed its calls. But it is now out of my power to do this with any degree of consistency—the cause I will mention.

George Washington, To Edmund Randolph (December 21, 1786)

Sensible as I am of the honor conferred on me by the General Assembly [of Virginia] in appointing me one of the Deputies to a [Constitutional] Convention proposed to be held in the city of Philadelphia in May next [1787] for the purpose of revising the Federal Constitution [the Articles of Confederation], and desirous as I am on all occasions of testifying a ready obedience to the calls of my country—yet, sir, there exists at this moment circumstances which I am persuaded will render my acceptance of this fresh mark of confidence incompatible with other measures which I had previously adopted, and from which, seeing little prospect of disengaging myself, it would be disingenuous not to express a wish that some other character on whom greater reliance can be had may be substituted in my place, the probability of my non-attendance being too great to continue my appointment.

As no mind can be more deeply impressed than mine is with the awful situation of our affairs—resulting in a great measure from the want of efficient powers in the federal head, and due respect to its ordinances—so, consequently, those who do engage in the important business of removing these defects will carry with them every good wish of mine which the best dispositions towards the attainment can bestow.

George Washington, To David Humphreys (December 26, 1786)

I am much indebted to you for your several favors of the 1st, 9th, and 16th of November. The last came first [Matt. 20:16]. Mr. Morse, keeping in mind the old proverb, was determined not to make more haste than good speed in prosecuting his journey to George—so I got the two first but lately.

It is with the deepest and most heartfelt concern I perceive by some late paragraphs extracted from the Boston Gazettes [newspapers] that the insurgents of Massachusetts [Shays’ Rebellion], far from being satisfied with the redress offered by their general court, are still acting in open violation of law and government, and have obliged the chief magistrate in a decided tone to call upon the militia of the State to support the Constitution. What gracious God is man! That there should be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in his conduct? It is but the other day we were shedding our blood to obtain the Constitutions under which we now live—Constitutions of our own choice and framing—and now we are unsheathing the sword to overturn them! The thing is so unaccountable that I hardly know how to realize it, or to persuade myself that I am not under the vision of a dream…

[H]eaven forbid that a crisis [Shays’ Rebellion] should arrive when he shall be driven to the necessity of making choice of either of the alternatives there mentioned. Let me entreat you, my dear sir, to keep me advised of the situation of affairs in your quarter. I can depend upon your accounts. Newspaper paragraphs unsupported by other testimony are often contradictory and bewildering. At one time, these insurgents are represented as a mere mob—at other times as systematic in all their proceedings. If the first, I would fain hope that like other mobs, it will, however formidable, be of short duration. If the latter, there surely are men of consequence and abilities behind the curtain who move the puppets. The designs of whom may be deep and dangerous. They may be instigated by British councils—actuated by ambitious motives—or being influenced by dishonest principles, had rather see the country plunged in civil discord than do what justice would dictate to an honest mind.

On the last occasion, only five States were represented—none East of New York. Why the New England governments did not appear I am yet to learn, for of all others the distractions and turbulent temper of their people, I should have thought, have afforded the strongest evidence of the necessity of competent powers somewhere. That the Federal government is nearly, if not quite at a stand none will deny: the question then is, can it be propped, or shall it be annihilated? If the former, the proposed Convention is an object of the first magnitude, and should be supported by all the friends of the present Constitution. In the other case, if on a full and dispassionate revision thereof, the continuances shall be adjudged impracticable or unwise would it not be better for such a meeting to suggest some other to avoid, if possible, civil discord or other impending evils. Candor however obliges me to confess that as we could not remain quiet more than three of four years (in time of peace) under the Constitutions of our choice, which it was believed in many instances were formed with deliberation and wisdom, I see little prospect either of our ageing upon any other, or that we should remain long satisfied under it if we could—yet I would wish to see anything and everything essayed to prevent the effusion of blood, and to avert the humiliating and contemptible figure we are about to make in the annals of mankind.

If this second attempt to convene the States for the purposes proposed in the report of the partial representation at Annapolis in September last should also prove abortive, it may be considered as an unequivocal proof that the States are not likely to agree in any general measure which is to pervade the Union, and consequently, that there is an end put to Federal government. The States therefore who make this last dying essay to avoid the misfortune of dissolution would be mortified at the issue, and their deputies would return home chagrinned at their ill success and disappointment. This would be a disagreeable predicament for any of them to be in, but more particularly so for a person in my situation. If no further application is made to me, of course I do not attend. If there is, I am under no obligation to do it, but as I have had so many proofs of your friendship—know your abilities to judge—and your opportunities of learning the politics of the day on the points I have enumerated, you would oblige me by a full and confidential communication of your sentiments thereon.

George Washington, To Henry Knox (December 26, 1786)

Lamentable as the conduct of the insurgents of Massachusetts is [Shays’ Rebellion], I am exceedingly obliged to you for the advices respecting them, and pray you most ardently to continue the account of their proceedings, because I can depend upon them from you without having my mind bewildered with those vague and contradictory reports which are handed to us in newspapers, and which please one hour, only to make the moments of the next more bitter.

I feel, my dear General Knox, infinitely more than I can express to you, for the disorders which have arises in these states. Good God! Who besides a Tory could have foreseen, or a Briton predicted them? Were these people wiser than others, or did they judge of us from the corruption, and depravity of their own hearts? The latter I am persuaded was the case, and that notwithstanding the boasted virtue of America, we are far gone in everything ignoble and bad. I do assure you, that even at this moment, when I reflect on the present posture of our affairs, it seems to me to be like the vision of a dream. My mind does not know how to realize it as a thing in actual existence, so strange—so wonderful does it appear to me! In this, as in most other matters, we are too slow. When this spirit first dawned, probability it might easily have been checked, but it is scarcely within the reach of human kin, at this moment, to say when—where—or how it will end. There are combustibles in every State, which a spark may set fire to.

The resolution of the present session respecting a paper emission [of currency], military certificates, etc. have stamped justice and liberality on the proceedings of the Assembly [of Virginia], and by a late act, it seems very desirous of a General [Constitutional] Convention to revise and amend the federal Constitution.

What are the prevailing sentiments of the one now proposed to be held at Philadelphia in May next, and how will it be attended?

In both your letters you intimate, that the men of reflection, principle, and property in New England feeling the inefficacy of their present government, are contemplating a change. But you are not explicit with respect to the nature of it. It has been supposed that the Constitution of the State of Massachusetts was amongst the most energetic in the Union—may not these disorders then be ascribed to an indulgent exercise of the powers of administration?

That Great Britain will be an unconcerned spectator of the present insurrections (if they continue) is not be expected. That she is at this moment sowing the seeds of jealousy of discontent among the various tribes of Indians on our frontier, admits of no doubt in my mind. And that she will improve every opportunity to foment the spirit of turbulence within the bowels of the United States with a view of distracting our governments and promoting divisions is, with me, not less certain.

We ought not therefore to sleep nor to slumber—vigilance in the watching and vigor in acting is, in my opinion, become indispensably necessary. If the powers are inadequate, amend or alter them, but do not let us sink into the lowest state of humiliation and contempt, and become a byword in all the earth—I think with you that the spring will unfold important and distressing scenes, unless much wisdom and good management is displayed in the interim.

George Washington, To Henry Knox (February 3, 1787)

[I] shall (critically as matters are described in the latter [letter]) be extremely anxious to know the issue of the movements of the forces that were assembling, the one to support, the other to oppose the constitutional rights of Massachusetts [referring to Shays’ Rebellion]. The moment is, indeed important! If government shrinks, or is unable to enforce its laws; fresh maneuvers will be displayed by the insurgents—anarchy and confusion must prevail—and everything will be turned topsy-turvy in that State, where it is not probably the mischiefs will terminate.

In your letter of the 14^th, you express a wish to know my intention respecting the [Constitutional] Convention proposed to be held at Philadelphia in May next. In confidence, I inform you that it is not, at this time, my purpose to attend it.

Notwithstanding these intimations, my name was inserted in the Act, and an official communication thereof made by the Executive to me, to whom at the same time that I expressed my sense of the confidence reposed in me, I declared that as I saw no prospect of my attending, it was my wish that my name might not remain in the delegation to the exclusion of another. To this I have been requested, in emphatical terms, not to decide absolutely, as no inconvenience would result from the non-appointment of another, at least for some time. Thus the matter stands, which is the reason of my saying to you in confidence that at present I retain my first intention—not to go. In the meanwhile, as I have the fullest conviction of your friendship for, and attachment to me, know your abilities to judge, and your means of information, I shall receive any communications from you respecting this business with thankfulness. My first wish is to do for the best, and to act with propriety, and you know me too well, to believe that reserve or concealment of any circumstance or opinion would be at all pleasing to me.

The legality of this Convention I do no mean to discuss—nor how problematical the issue of it may be. That powers are wanting, none can deny. Through what medium they are to be derived will, like other matters, engage public attention. That which takes the shortest course to obtain them will, in my opinion, under present circumstances, to be found best. Otherwise, like a house on fire whilst the most regular mode of extinguishing it is contending for, the building is reduced to ashes. My opinion of the energetic wants of the federal government are well known—publically and privately, I have declared it, and however constitutionally it may be for Congress to point out the defects of the federal system, I am strongly inclined to believe that it would not be found the most efficacious channel for the recommendation, more especially the alterations to flow—for reasons too obvious to enumerate.

The system on which you seem disposed to build a national government is certainly more energetic, and I dare say, in every point of view is more desirable than the present one, which, from experience, we find is not only slow—debilitated—and liable to be thwarted by every breath, but is defective in that secrecy which for the accomplishment of many of the most important national purposes is indispensably necessary. And besides, having the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments concentered is exceptionable. But at the same time I give this opinion, I believe that the political machine will yet be much tumbled and tossed, and possibly be wrecked altogether before such a system as you have defined will be adopted. The darling sovereignties of the States individually, the governors elected and elect, the legislators—with a long train of etcetera (etc.) whose political consequence will be lessened if not annihilated would give their weight of opposition to such a revolution.

George Washington, To Mary Ball Washington (February 15, 1787)

I do not mean by this declaration to withhold any aid or support I can give from you, for whilst I have a shilling left you shall have part, if it is wanted, whatever my own distresses may be. What I shall then give I shall have credit for…the mode I have pointed out, you may reduce your income to a certainty, be eased of all trouble—and, if you are so disposed, may be perfectly happy—for happiness depends more upon the internal frame of a person’s mind than on the externals in the world.

George Washington, To Henry Knox (February 25, 1787)

They were indeed [Knox’s previous letters], exceedingly satisfactory, and reliving to my mind, which has been filled with great and anxious uneasiness for the issue of General Lincoln’s operations, and the dignity of government.

On the prospect of the happy termination of this insurrection [Shays’ Rebellion] I sincerely congratulate you, hoping that good may result from the cloud of evils which threatened not only the hemisphere of Massachusetts, but by spreading its baneful influence, the tranquility of the Union. Surely Shays must be either a weak man—the dupe of some characters who are yet behind the curtain—or has been deceived by his followers. Or which may yet be more likely, he did not conceive that there was energy enough in the government to bring matters to the crisis to which they have been pushed.

Our affairs, generally, seem really to be approaching to some awful crisis. God only knows what the result will be. It shall be my part to hope for the best, as to see this country happy whilst I am gliding down the stream of life in tranquil retirement is so much the wish of my soul, that nothing on this side of Elysium can be placed in competition with it.

George Washington, To John Jay (March 10, 1787)

How far the revision of the federal system, and giving more adequate powers to Congress may be productive of an efficient government, I will not, under my present view of the matter, presume to decide. That many inconveniences result from the present form, none can deny. Those enumerated in your letter are so obvious and sensibly felt that no logic can controvert, nor is it probably that any change of conduct will remove them. And that all attempts to alter or amend it will be like the propping of a house which is ready to fall, and which no shoars [props] can support (as many seem to think) may also be true.

But, is the public matured for such an important change as the one you have suggested? What would be the consequences of a premature attempt? My opinion is that this country have [sic] yet to feel, and see a little more before it can be accomplished. A thirst for power and the bantling—I had like to have said monster—sovereignty, which have taken such fast hold of the States individually will, when joined by the many whose personal consequence in the line of State politics will in a manner be annihilated, form a strong phalanx against it…

Among men of reflection, few will be found I believe who are not beginning to think that our system is better in theory than practice—and that, notwithstanding the boasted virtue of America, it is more than probable we shall exhibit the last melancholy proof that mankind are not competent to their own government without the means of coercion in the Sovereign.

Yet, I would try what the wisdom of the proposed [Constitutional] Convention will suggest, and what can be affected by their councils. It may be the last peaceable mode of essaying the practicability of the present form without a greater lapse of time than the exigency of our affairs will admit. In strict propriety, a Convention so holden [sic] may not be legal—Congress however may give it a coloring by recommendation, which would fit it more to the taste, without proceeding to a definition of powers.

My name is in the delegation to this [Constitutional] Convention, but it was put there contrary to my desire, and remains there contrary to my request.

George Washington, To Edmund Randolph (March 28, 1787)

However, as my friends, with a degree of solicitude which is unusual, seem to wish my attendance on this occasion [the Constitutional Convention], I have come to a resolution to go if my health will permit, provided, from the lapse of time between the date of your Excellency’s letter and this reply, the Executive may not—the reverse of which would be highly pleasing to me—have turned its thoughts to some other character—for independently of all other considerations, I have, of late, been so much afflicted with a rheumatic complaint in my shoulder that at times I am hardly able to raise my hand to my head, or turn myself in bed. This, consequently, might prevent my attendance, and eventually a representation of the State; which would afflict me more sensibly than the disorder which occasioned it.

George Washington, To Edmund Randolph (April 9, 1787)

It gives me pleasure to find by your letter that there will be so full a representation from this State [Virginia]. If the case had been otherwise, I would in emphatical terms have urged against that, rather than depend upon my going, another might be chosen in my place; for as a friend, and in confidence, I declare to you that my assent is given contrary to my judgment, because the act will, I apprehend, be considered as inconsistent with my publication declaration, delivered in a solemn manner at an interfering era of my life, never more to intermeddle in public matters [his resignation as Commander in Chief].

Add to these, I very much fear that all the States will not appear in [the Constitutional] Convention, and that some of them will come fettered so as to impede rather than accelerate the great ends of their calling which, under the peculiar circumstances of my case would place me in a disagreeable situation which no other member present would stand in. As I have yielded, however, to what appeared to be the earnest wishes of my friends, I will hope for the best…

George Washington, To Marquis de Lafayette (June 6, 1787)

I therefore shall wait till the result of the present meeting [the Constitutional Convention] is more matured, and till the members who constitute it are at liberty to communicate the proceedings more freely before I attempt it…

[Y]ou will probably be more so [surprised] when you hear that I am again brought, contrary to my public declaration and intention on a public theater—such is the vicissitude of human affairs, and such the frailty of human nature that no man I conceive can well answer for the resolutions he enters into.

The pressure of the public voice was so loud I could not resist the call to a convention of the states which is to determine whether we are to have a government of respectability under which life—liberty, and property secured to us, or whether we are to submit to one which may be the result of chance or the moment, springing perhaps from anarchy, confusion, and dictated perhaps by some aspiring demagogue who will not consult the interests of his country so much as his own ambitious views. What may be the result of the present deliberations I more than I am able, at present, if I was at liberty, to inform…

George Washington, To Alexander Hamilton (July 10, 1787)

In a word, I almost despair of seeing a favorable issue to the proceedings of the [Constitutional] Convention, and do therefore repent having had any agency in the business.

The men who oppose a strong and energetic government are, in my opinion, narrow minded politicians, or are under the influence of local views. The apprehension expressed by them that the people will not accede to the form proposed is the ostensible, not the real cause of the opposition—but admitting that the present sentiment is as they prognosticate, the question ought nevertheless to be, is it or is it not the best form?

George Washington, To David Humphreys (October 10, 1787)

The Constitution that is submitted is not free from imperfections, but there are as few radical defects in it as could well be expected, considering the heterogeneous mass of which the Convention was composed—and the diversity of interests which were to be reconciled. A Constitutional door being opened for future alterations and amendments [Article V], I think it would be wise in the People to adopt what is offered to them…

Much will depend however on literary abilities, and the recommendation of it by good pens should it be openly, I mean publicly attacked in the Gazettes [newspapers]…I shall have the consolation to reflect that no objects but the public good, and that peace and harmony which I wished to see prevail in the Convention ever obtruded, even for a moment, in my mind during the whole session lengthy as it was.

I condole with you on the loss of your parents, but as they lived to a good old age, you could not be unprepared for the shock, though there is something painful in bidding an adieu to those we love, or revere, when we know it is a final one. Reason, religion, and philosophy may soften the anguish, but time alone can eradicate it.

George Washington, To Henry Knox (October 15, 1787)⁹

The Constitution is now before the judgment seat. It has, as was expected, its adversaries, and its supporters. Which will preponderate is yet to be decided.

[Proposing questions that should be considered] “1. Is the Constitution which is submitted by the Convention preferable to the government (if it can be called one) under which we now live? 2. Is it probably that more confidence will, at this time, be placed in another Convention (should the experiment be tried) than was given to the last, and is it likely that there would be a better agreement in it? Is there not a Constitution door open for alterations and amendments [Article V], and is it not probable that real defects will be as readily discovered after, as before trial, and will not posterity be as ready to apply the remedy as ourselves, if there is occasion for it, when the mode is provided? To think otherwise will, in my judgment, be ascribing more of the amor patria [love of country]—more wisdom—and more foresight to ourselves than I conceive we are entitled to.

George Washington, To Bushrod Washington (November 9, 1787)

That the Assembly [of Virginia] would afford the people an opportunity of deciding on the proposed Constitution I had hardly a doubt. The only question with me was whether it would go forth under favorable auspices, or be branded with the mark of disapprobation [disapproval]. The opponents, I expected (for it has ever been that the adversaries to a measure are more active than its friends) would endeavor to give it an unfavorable complexion with a view to bias the public mind. This, evidently, is the case with the writers in opposition, for their objections are better calculated to alarm the fears than to convince the judgment of their readers. They build then upon principles which do not exist in the Constitution—which the known and literal sense of it does not support them in. And this too, after being flatly told that they are treading on untenable ground and after an appeal has been made to the letter and spirit thereof, for proof; and then, as if the doctrine was incontrovertible, draw such consequences as are necessary to rouse the apprehensions of the ignorant and unthinking. It is not the interest of the major part of these characters to be convinced, nor will their local views yield to arguments which do not afford with their present or future prospects. And yet, a candid solution of a single question to which the understanding of almost every man is competent must decide the point in dispute—namely—is it best for the States to unite or not to unite?

If there are men who prefer the latter [the States shouldn’t unite] then, unquestionably, the Constitution which is offered must, in their estimation, be inadmissible from the first word to the last signature, inclusively. But those who may think differently, and yet object to parts of it, would do well to consider that it does not lie with one State, nor with a minority of the States to superstruct [sic] a Constitution for the whole…If then the Union of the whole is a desirable object, the parts which compose it must yield a little in order to accomplish it, for without the latter, the former is unattainable. For I again repeat it, that not a single State nor a minority of the States can force a Constitution on the majority. But admitting they had (from their importance) the power to do it, will it not be granted that the attempt would be followed by civil commotions of a very serious nature?

I am sorry to add in this place that Virginians entertain too high an opinion of the importance of their own country. In extent of territory—in number of inhabitants (of all descriptions) and in wealth I will readily grant that it certainly stands first in the Union, but in point of strength, it is, comparatively, weak. To this point, my opportunities authorize me to speak decidedly, and sure I am, in every point of view in which the subject can be placed, it is not (considering also the geographical situation of the State) more the interest of any one of them to confederate than it is the one in which we live.

The warmest friends to and the best supporters of the Constitution do not contend that it is free from imperfections, but these were not to be avoided, and they are convinced if evils are likely to flow from them that the remedy must come thereafter, because, in the present moment it is not to be obtained…for I do not conceive that we are more inspired—have more wisdom—or possess more virtue than those who will come after us. The power under the Constitution will always be with the people. It is entrusted for certain defined purposes and for a certain limited period to representatives of their own choosing. And whenever it is exercised contrary to their interests, or not according to their wishes, their servants can, and undoubtedly will be recalled. There will not be wanting those who will bring forward complaints of mal-administration whenever they occur. To say that the Constitution may be strained, and an improper interpretation given to some of the clauses or articles of it, will apply to any that can be framed—in a word renders any one nugatory—for not one, more than another, can be binding if the spirit and letter of the expression is disregarded. It is agreed on all hands that no government can be well administered without powers, and yet, the instant these are delegated, although those who are entrusted with the administration are taken from the people—return shortly to them again—and must feel the bad effect of oppressive measures—the persons holding them, as if their natures were immediately metamorphisized [sic], are denominated tyrants and no disposition is allowed them but to do wrong. Of these things in a government so constituted and guarded as the proposed one is I can have no idea, and do firmly believe that while many ostensible reasons are held out against the adoption of it, the true ones are yet behind the curtain, not being of a nature to appear in open day.

No man is a warmer advocate for proper restraints and wholesome checks in every department of government than I am, but neither my reasoning nor my experience has yet been able to discover the propriety of preventing men from doing good, because there is a possibility of their doing evil.

I hope there remains virtue enough the Assembly of this State [Virginia] to preserve inviolate public treaties, and private contracts. If these are infringed, farewell to respectability and safety in the government.

I never possessed a doubt, but if any had ever existed in my breast, re-iterated proofs would have convinced me of the impolicy [sic] of all commutable taxes [taxes paid with goods rather than money]. If wisdom is not to be found acquired from experience, where is to be found? But why ask the question? Is it not believed by everyone that these are mere jobs by which a few are enriched at the public expense?! But whether the plan originates for this purpose or is the child of ignorance, oppression is the result.

One piece of advice only I will give you on the occasion (if you mean to be a respectable member, and to entitle yourself to the ear of the House)—and that is—except in local matters which respect your constituents and to which you are obliged, by duty to speak, rise but seldom—let this be on important matters—and then make yourself thoroughly acquainted with the subject. Never be agitated by more than a decent warmth, and offer your sentiments with modest diffidence—opinions thus given are listened to with more attention than when delivered in a dictatorial style. The latter, if attended to at all, although they may force conviction, is sure to convey disgust also.

George Washington, To Thomas Jefferson (January 1, 1788)

I did myself the honor to forward to you the plan of government formed by the [Constitutional] Convention, the day after that body rose, but was not a little disappointed and mortified indeed (as I wished to make the first offering of it to you) to find by a letter from Commodore Jones, dated in New York the 9th of November that it was, at that time, in his possession. You have, undoubtedly, received it, or some other ‘ere now, and formed an opinion upon it. The public attention is, at present, wholly engrossed by this important subject. The legislatures of those States (Rhode Island excepted) which have met since the Constitution has been formed, have readily assented to its being submitted to a Convention chosen by the people. Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Delaware are the only States whose Conventions have as yet decided upon it. In the former, it was adopted by 46 to 23, and in the two latter unanimously. Connecticut and Massachusetts are to hold their Conventions on the 1st and 2nd Tuesdays of this month, Maryland in April, Virginia in June, and upon the whole, it appears so far as I have had an opportunity of learning the opinions of the people in the several States that it will be received. There will, undoubtedly, be more or less opposition to its adoption in most of the States, and in none a more formidable one than in this, as many influential characters have taken a decided part against it, among whom are Mr. Henry, Colonel Mason, Governor Randolph, and Colonel Richard Henry Lee. But from e very information which I have been able to obtain, I think there will be a majority in its favor notwithstanding their dissension. In New York a considerable opposition will also be given.

I am much obliged to you, my dear sir, for the account which you have me of the general state of affairs in Europe. I am glad to hear that the Assembleé des Notables [in France] has been productive of good in France. The abuse of the finances being disclosed to the King and the nation must open their eyes and lead to the adoption of such measures as will prove beneficial to them in future. From the public papers it appears that the Parliaments of the several provinces, and particularly that of Paris, have acted with great spirit and resolution. Indeed, the rights of mankind, with the privileges of the people, and the true principles of liberty, seem to have been more generally discussed and better understood throughout Europe since the American Revolution than they were at any former period…

[I]t is not improbable but that a pretty general war will be kindled in Europe. Should this be the case, we shall feel more than ever the want of an efficient general government to regulate our commercial concerns to give us a national respectability and to connect the political views and interests of the several States under one head in such a manner as will effectually prevent them from forming a separate, improper, or indeed any connection with the European powers which can involve them in their political disputes. For our situation is such as makes it not only unnecessary, but extremely imprudent for us to take a part in their quarrels, and whenever a contest happens among them, if we wisely and properly improve the advantages which nature has given us, we may be benefited by their folly—provided we conduct ourselves with circumspection, and under proper restrictions, for I perfectly agree with you that an extensive speculation, a spirit of gambling, or the introduction of anything which will divert our attention from agriculture must be extremely prejudicial, if not ruinous to us. But I conceive under an energetic general government such regulations might be made, and such measures taken, as would render this country the asylum of pacific and industrious characters from all parts of Europe would encourage the cultivation of the Earth by the high price which its products would command, and would draw the wealth and wealthy men of other nations into our own bosom by giving security to property, and liberty to its holders.

George Washington, To Edmund Randolph (January 8, 1788)

The diversity of sentiments upon the important matter which has been submitted to the People was as much expected as it is regretted by me. The various passions and motives by which men are influenced are concomitants of fallibility engrafted into our nature for the purposes of unerring wisdom; but had I entertained a latent hope (at the time you moved to have the Constitution submitted to a second Convention) that a more perfect form would be agreed to, in a word that any Constitution would be adopted under the impressions and instructions of the members, the publications which have taken place since would have eradicated every form of it.

If the opponents in the same State cannot agree in their principles what prospect is there of a coalescence with the advocates of the measures [the Constitution] when the different views and jarring interests of so wide and extended an Empire are to be brought forward and combated?

To my judgment, it is more clear than ever that an attempt to amend the Constitution which is submitted would be productive of more heat and greater confusion that can well be conceived. There are some things in the new form, I will readily acknowledge, which never did, and I am persuaded never will, obtain my cordial approbation. But I then did conceive, and do now most firmly believe that, in the aggregate, it is the best Constitution that can be obtained at this epocha [time] and that this, or a dissolution of the Union awaits our choice, and are the only alternatives before us. Thus believing, I had not, nor have I now any hesitation in deciding on which to lean.

George Washington, To Marquis de Lafayette (February 7, 1788)

For it is an undoubted fact that the people of America entertain a grateful remembrance of past services as well as favorable disposition for commercial and friendly connections with your nation [France].

You appear to be, as might be expected from a real friend to this country, anxiously concerned about its present political situation…It appears to me then, little short of a miracle, that the delegates [to the Constitutional Convention] from so many different states (which states you know are also different from each other in their manners, circumstances, and prejudices) should unite in forming a system of national government so little liable to well-founded objections. Nor am I yet such an enthusiastic, partial, or undiscriminating admirer of it, as not to perceive it is tinctured with some real (though not radical) defects.

With regard to the two great points (the pivots upon which the whole machine must move), my creed is simply first, that the general government is not invested with more powers than are indispensably necessary to perform the functions of a good government…second, that these powers (as the appointment of all rulers will forever arise from, and, at short stated intervals, recur to the free suffrage [voting] of the people) are so distributed among the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial Branches, into which the general government is arranged, that it can never be in danger of degenerating into a monarchy, an oligarchy, an aristocracy, or any other despotic or oppressive form, so long as there shall remain any virtue in the body of the people.

I would not be understood my dear Marquis to speak of consequences which may be produced in the revolution of ages by corruption of morals, profligacy of manners, and listlessness for the preservation of the natural and unalienable rights of mankind, nor of the successful usurpations that may be established at such an unpropitious juncture upon the ruins of liberty, however providently guarded and secured, as these are contingencies against which no human prudence can effectually provide.

It will at least be a recommendation to the proposed Constitution that it is provided with more checks and barriers against the introduction of tyranny, and those of a nature less liable to be surmounted than any government hitherto instituted among mortals hath possessed. We are not to expect perfection in this world, but mankind, in modern times, have apparently made some progress in the science of government.

I will only add, as a further opinion founded on the maturest deliberation, that there is no alternative, no hope of alteration, no intermediate resting place, between the adoption of this [the Constitution] and a recurrence to an unqualified state of anarchy, with all its deplorable consequences.

A spirit of emigration to the western country is very predominant. Congress have sold, in the year past, a pretty large quantity of lands on the Ohio for public securities, and thereby diminishing the domestic debt considerably.

It gives me great pleasure to learn that the present ministry of France are friendly to America, and that Mr. Jefferson and yourself have a prospect of accomplishing measures which will mutually benefit and improve the commercial intercourse between the two nations.

George Washington, To Benjamin Lincoln (February 11, 1788)

It is unnecessary for me to offer any consolation on the present occasion; for to a mind like yours, it can only be drawn from that source which never fails to give a bountiful supply to those who reflect justly. Time alone, can blunt the keen edge of afflictions. Philosophy and Religion holds out to us such hopes as will, upon proper reflection, enable us to bear with fortitude the most calamitous incidents of life, and these are all that can be expected from the feelings of humanity; and all which they will yield.

George Washington, To John Armstrong (April 25, 1788)

I will remember the observation you made in your letter to me of last year, ‘that my domestic retirement must suffer an interruption.’ This took place [by his attendance at the Constitutional Convention], notwithstanding it was utterly repugnant to my feelings, my interests, and my wishes. I sacrificed every private consideration and personal enjoyment to the earnest and pressing solicitation of those who saw and knew the alarming situation of our public concerns, and had no other end in view but to promote the interests of their country. And conceiving that under those circumstances, and at so critical a moment, an absolute refusal to act might, on my part, be construed as a total dereliction of my country, if imputed to no worse motives. Although you say the same motives induce you to think that another tour of duty of this kind will fall to my lot, I cannot but hope that you will be disappointed, for I am so wedded to a state of retirement and find the occupations of a rural life so congenial with my feelings that to be drawn into public at my advanced age could be a sacrifice that would admit of no compensation.

Your remarks on the impressions which will be made on the manners and sentiments of the people by the example of those who are first called to act under the proposed government are very just, and I have no doubt but (if the proposed Constitution obtains) those persons who are chosen to administer it will have wisdom enough to discern the influence which their example as rulers and legislators may have on the body of the people, and will have virtue enough to pursue that line of conduct which will most conduce to the happiness of their country; as the first transactions of a nation, like those of an individual upon his first entrance into life, make the deepest impression, and are to form the leading traits in its character, they will undoubtedly pursue those measures which will best tend to the restoration of public and private faith and of consequence promote our national respectability and individual welfare.

That the proposed Constitution will admit of amendments [Article V] is acknowledged by its warmest advocates, but to make such amendments as may be proposed by the several States the condition of its adoption would, in my opinion, amount to a complete rejection of it. For upon examination of the objections which are made by the opponents in different States and the amendments which have been proposed, it will be found that what would be a favorite object with one State is the very thing which is strenuously opposed by another. The truth is men are too apt to be swayed by local prejudices and those who are so fond of amendments which have the particular interest of their own States in view cannot extend their ideas to the general welfare of the Union. They do not consider that for every sacrifice which they make they receive an ample compensation by the sacrifices which are made by other States for their benefit, and that those very things which they give up operate to their advantage through the medium of the general interest.

In addition to these considerations, it should be remembered that a Constitutional door is open for such amendments as shall be thought necessary by nine States [Article V]. When I reflect upon these circumstances, I am surprised to find that any person who is acquainted with the critical state of our public affairs, and knows the variety of views, interests, feelings, and prejudices which must be consulted in framing a general government for these States, and how little propositions in themselves so opposite to each other will tend to promote that desirable end can wish to make amendments the ultimatum for adopting the offered system.

Baffled in their attacks upon the Constitution [its opponents], they have attempted to vilify and debase the characters who formed it, but even here I trust they will not succeed. Upon the whole, I doubt whether the opposition to the Constitution will not ultimately be productive of more good than evil. It has called forth, in its defense, abilities which would not perhaps have been otherwise exerted that have thrown new light upon the science of government, they have given the rights of man a full and fair discussion, and explained them in so clear and forcible a manner as cannot fail to make a lasting impression upon those who read the best publications on the subject, and particularly the pieces under the signature of Publius [the Federalist Papers].

This is one of the numerous evils which arise from the want of a general regulating power, for in a country like this where equal liberty is enjoyed, where every man may reap his own harvest, which by proper attention will afford him much more than is necessary for his own consumption, and where there is so ample a field for every mercantile and mechanical exertion, if there cannot be money found to answer the common purposes of education, not to mention the necessary commercial circulation, it is evident that there is something amiss in the ruling political power which requires a steady, regulating and energetic hand to correct and control. That money is not to be had every man’s experience tells him, and the great fall in the price of property is an unequivocal and melancholy proof of it. When, if that property was well secured, faith and justice well preserved, a stable government well administered, and confidence restored, the tide of population and wealth would flow to us from every part of the globe, and, with a due sense of the blessings, make us the happiest people upon earth.

George Washington, To Marquis de Lafayette (April 28, 1788)

[B]ut in my opinion (though from my distance and want of minute information I should form it with diffidence), the affairs of that nation [England] cannot long go on in the same prosperous train: in spite of expedients and in spite of resources, the paper bubble [in money] will one day burst, and it will whelm many in the ruins.

France, were her resources properly managed and her administrations wisely conducted, is (as you justly observe) much more potent in the scale of empire than her rivals at present seem inclined to believe.

I notice with pleasure the additional immunities and facilities in trade which France has granted by the late Royal arret [judgment/ruling] to the United States. I flatter myself it will have the desired effect, in some measure, of augmenting the commercial intercourse. From the productions and wants of the two countries, their trade with each other is certainly capable of great amelioration o be actuated by a spirit of unwise policy. For so surely as ever we shall have an efficient government established, so surely will that government impose retaliating restrictions to a certain degree upon the trade of Britain…It is in vain to hope for a remedy of these and innumerable other evils until a general government shall be adopted.

I had never supposed that perfection could be the result of accommodation and mutual concession. The opinion of Mr. Jefferson and yourself is certainly a wise one, that the Constitution ought by all means to be accepted by nine states before any attempt should be made to procure amendments. For, if that acceptance shall not previously take place, men’s minds will be so much agitated and soured that the danger will be greater than ever of our becoming a disunited people. Whereas, on the other hand, with prudence in temper and a spirit of moderation, every essential alteration may in the process of time be expected.

Now, although it is not to be expected that every individual in society will or can ever be brought to agree upon what it is, exactly, the best form of government; yet there are many things in the Constitution which only need to be explained in order to prove equally satisfactory to all parties. For example: there was not a member of the Convention, I believe, who had the least objection to what is contended for by the advocates for a Bill of Rights and Trial by Jury. The first, where the people evidently retained everything which they did not in express terms give up was considered nugatory, as you will find to have been more fully explained by Mr. [James] Wilson and others; and as to the second, it was only the difficulty of establishing a mode which should not interfere with the fixed modes of any of the states that induced the Convention to leave it as a matter of future adjustment.

There cannot, in my judgment, be the least danger that the President will by any practicable intrigue ever be able to continue himself one moment in office, much less perpetuate himself in it, but in the last stage of corrupted moral and political depravity: and even then there is as much danger that any other species of domination would prevail. Though, when a people shall have become incapable of governing themselves and fit for a master, it is of little consequence from what quarter he comes.

All that it will [be] necessary to add, my dear Marquis, in order to show my decided predilection is that (at my time of life and under my circumstances) the increasing infirmities of nature and the growing love of retirement do not permit me to entertain a wish beyond that of living and dying an honest man on my own farm. Let those follow the pursuits of ambition and fame who have a keener relish for them, or who may have more years in store for the enjoyment.

George Washington, To Samuel Griffin (April 30, 1788)

Inf[l]uenced by a heart-felt desire to promote the cause of Science in general and the prosperity of the College of William and Mary in particular, I accept the office of Chancellor in the same; and request you will be pleased to give official notice thereof to the learned Body, who have thought proper to honor me with the appointment. I consider fully in their strenuous endeavors for placing the system of Education on such a basis as will render it most beneficial to the State, and the Republic of letters, as well as to the more extensive interests of humanity and religion.

George Washington, To Francois Vanderkemp (May 28, 1788)

I had always hoped that this land might become a safe and agreeable Asylum to the virtuous & persecuted part of mankind, to whatever nation they might belong.

I shall flatter myself that many of them [from Holland] will be able with the wrecks of their fortunes which may have escaped the extensive devastation, to settle themselves in comfort, freedom and ease in some corner of the vast regions of America. The spirit of the Religions and the genius of the political Institutions of this Country must be an inducement.

George Washington, To Marquis de Lafayette (May 28, 1788)

In some instances by acting reciprocally, heroes have made poets, and poets heroes. Alexander the Great is said to have been enraptured with the poems of Homer, and to have lamented that he had not a rival muse to celebrate his actions. Julius Caesar is well known to have been a man of a highly cultivated understanding and taste. Augustus was the professed and magnificent rewarder of poetical merit, nor did he lose the return of having his achievements immortalized in song. The Augustan age is proverbial for intellectual refinement and elegance in composition; in it the harvest of laurels and bays was wonderfully mingled together. The age of your Louis XIV, which produced a multitude of great poets and great captains, will never be forgotten, nor will that of Queen Anne in England, for the same cause, ever cease to reflect a luster upon the Kingdom.

Although we are yet in our cradle as a nation, I think the efforts of the human mind with us are sufficient to refute (by incontestable facts) the doctrines of those who have asserted that everything degenerates in America.

A few short weeks will determine the political fate of America for the present generation and probably produce no small influence on the happiness of society through a long succession of ages to come. Should everything proceed with harmony and consent according to our actual wishes and expectation, I will confess to you sincerely, my dear Marquis, it will be so much beyond anything we had a right to imagine or expect eighteen months ago [before the Constitutional Convention] ago that it will demonstrate as visibly the finger of Providence as any possible event in the course of human affairs can ever designate it. It is impracticable for you or anyone who has not been on the spot to realize the change in men’s minds and the progress towards rectitude in thinking and acting which will then have been made.

George Washington, To Richard Henderson (June 19, 1788)

America, under an efficient government, will be the most favorable country of any in the world for persons of industry and frugality, possessed of a moderate capital, to inhabit. It is also believed that it will not be less advantageous to the happiness of the lowest class of people because of the equal distribution of property the great plenty of unoccupied lands, and the facility of procuring the means of subsistence.

Although I believe that emigrants from other countries to this who shall be well-disposed and conduct themselves properly would be treated with equal friendship and kindness in all parts of it, yet, in the old settled States, land is so much occupied, and the value so much enhanced by the contiguous cultivation that the price would in general be an objection. The land in western country, or that on the Ohio, like all others, has its advantages and disadvantages. The neighborhood of the savages and the difficulty of transportation were the great objections. The danger of the first will soon cease by the strong establishments now taking place; the inconveniences of the second will be, in a great degree, remedied by opening the internal navigation. No Colony in America was ever settled under such favorable auspices as that which has just commenced at the Muskingum. Information, property, and strength will be its characteristics. I know many of the settlers personally, and that there never were men better calculated to promote the welfare of such a community.

If I was a young man just preparing to begin the world or if advanced in life and had a family to make a provision for, I know of no country where I should rather fix my habitation than in some part of that region [being settled] for which the writer of the queries seems to have a predilection…The author of the queries may then be referred to the ‘Information for those who would wish to remove to America’ [by Benjamin Franklin] and published in Europe in the year 1784 by the great philosopher Dr. Franklin. Short as it is, it contains almost everything that needs to be known on the subject of migrating to this country.

As to the European publications respecting the United States, they are commonly very defective. The Abbe Raynal is quite erroneous. Guthrie, though somewhat better informed, is not absolutely correct…Of books at present existing, Mr. [Thomas] Jefferson’s ‘Notes on Virginia’ will give the best idea of this part of the continent to a foreigner, and the ‘American Farmer’s Letters’ written by Mr. Crevecoeur (commonly called Mr. S. John) the French consul in New York (who actually resided twenty years as farmer in that State) will afford a great deal of profitable and amusing information respecting the private life of the Americans, as well as the progress of agriculture, manufactures, and arts in their country. Perhaps the picture he gives, though founded on fact, is in some instances embellished with rather too flattering circumstances.

George Washington, To John Lathrop (June 22, 1788)

The provision made for Ship-wrecked Mariners is also highly estimable in the view of every philanthropic mind and greatly consolatory to that suffering part of the Community. These things will draw upon you the blessings of those who were nigh to perish. These works of charity and goodwill towards men reflect, in my estimation, great luster upon the Authors, and presage an æra of still farther improvements. How pitiful, in the eye of reason and religion, is that false ambition which desolates the world with fire and sword for the purposes of conquest and fame; when compared to the milder virtues of making our neighbors and our fellow men as happy as their frail conditions and perishable natures will permit them to be!

George Washington, To Benjamin Lincoln (June 29, 1788)

No one can rejoice more than I do at every step the people of this great country take to preserve the Union, establish good order and government, and to render the nation happy at home and respectable abroad. No country upon earth ever had it more in its power to attain these blessings than United America. Wondrously strange then, and much to be regretted indeed would it be, were we to neglect the means, and to depart from the road which Providence has pointed us to so plainly. I cannot believe it will ever come to pass. The great Governor of the Universe has led us too long and too far on the road to happiness and glory to forsake us in the midst of it. By folly and improper conduct, proceeding from a variety of causes, we may now and then get bewildered. But I hope and trust that there is good sense and virtue enough left to recover the right path before we shall be entirely lost.

Our accounts from Richmond are that the debates [on ratifying the Constitution] through all the different stages of the business, though brisk and animated, have been conducted with great dignity and temper; that the final decision exhibited an awful and solemn scene, and that there is every reason to expect a perfect acquiescence therein by the minority, not only from the declaration of Mr. [Patrick] Henry, the greater leader of it, who has signified that though he can never be reconciled to the Constitution in its present form, and shall give it every constitutional opposition in his power, yet that he will submit to it peaceably as he thinks every good citizen ought to do when it is in exercise and that he will both by precept and example inculcate this doctrine to all around him.

George Washington, To Noah Webster (July 31, 1788)

[Before the arrival of the French at Yorktown] …it was the fixed determination to strike the enemy in the most vulnerable quarter so as to ensure success with moral certainty, as our affairs were then in the most ruinous train imaginable…

For I repeat it, and dwell upon it again and again, some splendid advantage (whether upon a larger or smaller scale was almost immaterial) was so essentially necessary to revive the expiring hopes and languid exertions of the country, at the crisis in question, that I never would have consented to embark in any enterprise; wherein from the most rational plan and accurate calculations, the favorable issue should not have appeared as clear in my view as a ray of light. The failure of an attempt against the posts of the enemy could, in no other possible situation during the war, have been so fatal to our cause.

George Washington, To Alexander Hamilton (August 28, 1788)

As the perusal of the political papers under the signature of Publius [what became the Federalist Papers] has afforded me great satisfaction, I shall certainly consider them as claiming a most distinguished place in my library. I have read every performance which has been printed on one side and the other of the great question lately agitated (so far as I have been able to obtain them) and, without an unmeaning compliment, I will say that I have seen no other so well calculated (in my judgment) to produce conviction on an unbiased mind as the production of your Triumvirate [Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay]—when the transient circumstances and fugitive performances which attended this crisis [whether the Constitution would be ratified] shall have disappeared, that work will merit the notice of posterity because in it are candidly discussed the principles of freedom and the topics of government which will be always interesting to mankind so long as they shall be connected in civil society.

For you know me well enough, my good sir, to be persuaded that I am not guilty of affectation when I tell you it is my great and sole desire to live and die in peace and retirement on my own farm. Were it ever indispensable, a different line of conduct should be adopted, while you and some others who are acquainted with my heart should acquit, the world and posterity might probably accuse me of inconsistency and ambition.

Still, I hope I shall always possess firmness and virtue enough to maintain (what I consider the most enviable of all titles) the character of an honest man…

George Washington, To Alexander Hamilton (October 3, 1788)

[L]ittle more is incumbent upon me than to thank you sincerely for the frankness with which you communicated your sentiments, and to assure you that the same manly tone of intercourse will always be more than barely welcome. Indeed, it will be highly acceptable to me. I am particularly glad, in the present instance, you have dealt thus freely and like a friend.

If that may not be—I am, in the next place, earnestly desirous of searching out the truth, and of knowing whether there does not exist a probability that the government would be just as happily and effectually carried into execution without my aid as with it.

You will, I am well assured, believe the assertion (though I have little expectation it would gain credit from those who are less acquainted with me) that if I should receive the appointment and if I should be prevailed upon to accept it, the acceptance would be attended with more diffidence and reluctance than ever I experience before in my life. It would be, however, with a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever assistance might be in my power to promote the public weal, in hopes that at a convenient and an early period, my services might be dispended with, and that I might be permitted once more to retire—to pass an unclouded evening after the stormy day of life in the bosom of domestic tranquility.

But why these anticipations? If the friends to the Constitution conceive that my administering the government will be a means of its acceleration and strength, is it not probably that the adversaries of it may entertain the same ideas, and of course make it an object of opposition?

George Washington, To Benjamin Lincoln (October 26, 1788)

As the period is now rapidly approaching which must decide the fate of the new Constitution as to the manner of its being carried into execution and probably as to its usefulness, it is not wonderful that we should all feel an unusual degree of anxiety on the occasion. I must acknowledge my fears have been greatly, but still I am not without hopes. From the good beginning that has been made in Pennsylvania, a State from which much was to be feared, I cannot help foreboding well of the others. That is to say, I flatter myself a majority of them will appoint Federal members to the several branches of the new government.

There will, however, be no room for the advocates of the Constitution to relax their exertions, for if they should be lulled into security, appointments of antifederal men may probably take place, and the consequences which you so justly dread be realized. Our Assembly [of Virginia] is now in session. It is represented to be rather antifederal, but we have heard nothing of its doings. Mr. Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, and [James] Madison are talked of for the Senate…The constant report is that North Carolina will soon accede to the new Union. A new assembly is just elected in Maryland in which it is asserted the number of Federalists greatly predominates, and that being the case, we may look for favorable appointments in spite of the rancor and activity of a few discontented, and I may say apparently unprincipled men.

I would willingly pass over in silence that part of your letter, in which you mention the persons who are candidates for the two first offices in the Executive, if I did not fear the omission might seem to betray a want of confidence. Motives of delicacy have prevented me hitherto from conversing or writing on this subject whenever I could avoid it with decency. I may, however, with great sincerity and I believe without offending against modesty or propriety, say to you that I most heartily wish the choice to which you allude might not fall upon me; and that, if it should, I must reserve to myself the right of making up my final decision at the last moment when it can be no longer postponed. When all the circumstances can be brought into one view, and when the expediency and inexpediency of a refusal can be more judiciously determined than at present. But be assured, my dear sir, if from any inducement I shall be persuaded ultimately to accept it, it will not be (so far as I know my own heart) from any of a private or personal nature…At my time of life and under my circumstances, nothing in this world can ever draw me from it, unless it be a conviction that the partiality of my countrymen had made my services absolutely necessary, joined to a fear that my refusal might induce a belief that I preferred the conservation of my own reputation and private ease to the good of my country. After all, if I could conceive myself in a manner constrained to accept, I call Heaven to witness that this very act would be the greatest sacrifice of my personal feelings and wishes that ever I have been called upon to make. It would be to forego repose and domestic enjoyment, for trouble perhaps, for public obloquy. For I should consider myself as entering upon an unexplored field, enveloped on every side with clouds and darkness.

From this embarrassing situation, I had naturally supposed that my declarations at the close of the war would have saved me, and that my sincere intentions then publicly made known would have effectually precluded me forever afterwards from being looked upon as a candidate for any office. This hope, as a last anchor of worldly happiness in old age, I had still carefully preserved until the public papers and private letters from my correspondents in almost every quarter taught me to apprehend that I might soon be obliged to answer the question whether I would go again into public or not?

I must speak again hypothetically for argument sake and say, supposing I should be appointed to the administration, and supposing I should accept it, I most solemnly declare that whosever shall be found to enjoy the confidence of the States so far as to be elected Vice President cannot be disagreeable to me in that office. And even if I had any predilection, I flatter myself I possess patriotism enough to sacrifice it at the shrine of my country, where it will be unavoidably necessary for me to have made infinitely greater sacrifice before I can find myself in the supposed predicament—that is to say—before I can be connected with others in any possible political relation. In truth, I believe that I have no prejudices on this subject, and that it would not be in the power of any evil-minded persons who wished to disturb the harmony of those connected in the government to infuse them into my mind. For, to continue the same hypothesis one step farther, supposing myself to be connected in office with any gentleman of character, I would most certainly treat him with perfect sincerity and the greatest candor in every respect. I would give him my full confidence and use my utmost endeavors to cooperate with him in promoting and rendering permanent the national prosperity—this should be my great—my only aim—under the fixed and irrevocable resolution of leaving to other hands the helm of the State as soon as my services could possibly with propriety be dispensed with.

George Washington, To Marquis de Lafayette (January 29, 1789)

But patriotism, instead of factions, has generally agitated them [men]. It is not a matter of wonder that, in proportion as we approached to the time fixed for the organization and operation of the new government, their anxiety should have been increased, rather than diminished…

[F]ederal sentiments seem to be growing with uncommon rapidity, and that this increasing unanimity is not less indicative of the good disposition than the good sense of the Americans…

I cannot help flattering myself the new Congress on account of the self-created respectability and various talents of its members will not be inferior to any assembly in the world. From these and some other circumstances, I really entertain greater hopes that America will not finally disappoint the expectations of her friends than I have at almost any former period.

Be assured my dear sir, I shall assume the task [of the Presidency] with the most unfeigned reluctance, and with a real diffidence for which I shall probably receive no credit from the world. If I know my own heart, nothing short of a conviction of duty will induce me again to take an active part in public affairs—and, in that case, if I can form a plan for my own conduct, my endeavors shall be unremittingly exerted (even at the hazard of former fame or present popularity) to extricate my country from the embarrassments in which it is entangled through want of credit, and to establish a general system of policy which, if pursued, will insure permanent felicity to the commonwealth.

Nothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and frugality are necessary to make us a great and happy people…those four great and essential pillars of public felicity.

I use no porter or cheese in my family, but such as is made in America—both those articles may now be purchased of an excellent quality.

While you are quarreling among yourselves in Europe—while one King is running mad—and others acting as if they were already so, by cutting the throats of the subjects of their neighbors, I think you need not doubt, my dear Marquis, we shall continue in tranquility here—and that population will be progressive so long as there shall continue to be so many easy means for obtaining a subsistence, and so ample a field for the exertion of talents and industry.

George Washington, To Richard Conway (March 4, 1789)

Never ‘til within these two years have I experience the want of money. Short crops and other causes not entirely within my control make me feel it now very sensibly…Under this statement I am inclined to do what I never expected to be reduced to the necessity of doing—that is, to borrow money upon interest.

Having thus fully and candidly explained myself—permit me to ask if it is in your power to supply me with the above, or a smaller sum [500 pounds]? Any security you may best like I can give, and you may be assured that it is no more my inclination than it can be yours to let it remain long unpaid.

George Washington, To James Madison (March 30, 1789)

But as you are fully acquainted with sentiments on this subject, I shall only add that as I mean to avoid private families on the one hand, so on another I am not desirous of being placed early in a situation for entertaining. Therefore, hired (private) lodging would not only be more agreeable to my own wishes, but, possibly, more consistent with the dictates of sound policy. For, as it is my wish and intention to conform to the public desire and expectation, with respect to the style proper for the Chief Magistrate [President] to live in, it might be well to know (as far as the nature of the case will admit) what these are before he enters upon it.

If otherwise, I will sum up all my wishes in one word, and that is to be placed in an independent situation, with the prospect I have alluded to before me.

George Washington, To Thomas Green (March 31, 1789)

[Y]ou would do well to keep two things always in remembrance—first, that all bargains are intended for the mutual benefit of and are equally binding on both the parties, and are either binding in all their parts or are of no use at all—If then, a man receives pay for his labor and he withholds that labor or if he trifles away that time for which he is paid, it is a robbery—and a robbery of the worst kind because it is not only a fraud but a dishonorable, unmanly, and a deceitful fraud—but it is unnecessary to dwell on this because there is no man so ignorant of the common obligations of justice as not to know it—although there are hundreds who do not scruple to practice it at the same time that they would think hard on the other hand if they were to be deprived of their money.

The other matter which I advise you to keep always in remembrance is the good name which common policy as well as common honesty makes it necessary for every workman who wishes to pass through life with reputation and to secure employment. Having said thus much by way of exhortation, I shall inform you in the most serious and positive terms that I have left strict orders with the Major, my nephew, who is vested with full powers to transact all my business, that if he should find you unfaithful to your engagements, either from the love of liquor from a disposition to be running about, or from proneness to idle when at your work, to discard you immediately and to remove your family from their present abode. The sure means to avoid this evil is first to refrain from drink, which is the source of all evil and the ruin of half the workmen in this country, and next to avoid bad company which is the bane of good morals, economy, and industry. You have every inducement to do this—reputation—the care and support of a growing family—and society which this family affords within your own doors which may not be the case with some of the idle (to say nothing worse of them) characters who may lead you into temptation. Were you to look back, and had the means, either from recollection or accounts to ascertain the cost of the liquor you have expended, it would astonish you. In the manner this expense is generally incurred, that is by getting a little now, a little then, the impropriety of it is not seen as much as it passes away without much though. But view it in the aggregate, you will be convinced at once whether any man who depends upon the labor of his hands not only for his own support but have that of an increasing family can afford such a proportion of his wages to that article. But the expense is not the worst consequence that attends it for it naturally leads a man into the company of those who encourage dissipation [drunkenness] and idleness by which he is led by degrees to the perpetration of acts which may terminate in his ruin—but supposing this not to happen, a disordered frame, and a body debilitated, renders him unfit (even if his mind was disposed to discharge the duties of his station with honor to himself or fidelity to his employer) from the execution of it. An aching head and trembling limbs, which are the inevitable effects of drinking, disincline the hands from work, hence begins sloth and that lestessness [lethargy] which end in idleness—but which are no reasons for withholding that labor for which money is paid. I have no other inducement for giving you this advice (in this my hour of hurry [going to his Inauguration]) but your own good…If you have gratitude or a mind capable of reflection, it will make such an impression on it as may be serviceable to you through life—if not, I have my labor for my pains.

George Washington, To Henry Knox (April 1, 1789)¹⁰

I feel for those members of the new Congress who, hitherto, have given me an unavailing attendance at the theater of business. For myself, the delay [before his Inauguration] may be compared to a reprieve, for in confidence I can assure you—with the world it would obtain little credit—that my movements to the chair of government will be accompanied with feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of his execution. So unwilling am I, in the evening of a life nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that competency of political skill—abilities and inclinations which is necessary to manage the helm. I am sensible that I am embarking the voice of my countrymen and a good name of my own on this voyage, but what returns will be made for them—Heaven alone can foretell.

Integrity and firmness is all I can promise—these, be the voyage long or short, never shall forsake me although I may be deserted by all men. For of the consolations which are to be derived from these (under any circumstances) the world cannot deprive me.

George Washington, To Charles Thomson (April 14, 1789)

I believe I cannot give a greater evidence of my sensibility for the honor they have done me than by accepting the appointment [to the Presidency]. I am so much affected by this fresh proof of my country’s esteem and confidence that silence can best explain my gratitude—While I realize the arduous nature of the task which is conferred on me, and feel my inability to perform it, I wish there may not be reason for regretting the choice. All I can promise is only that which can be accomplished by an honest zeal.

George Washington, To the German Lutherans of Philadelphia (April-May, 1789)

I could not however avoid apprehending that the partiality of my Countrymen in favor of the measures now pursued has led them to expect too much from the present Government; did not the same Providence which has been visible in every stage of our progress to this interesting crisis, from a combination of circumstances, give us cause to hope for the accomplishment of all our reasonable desires.

Thus partaking with you in the pleasing anticipation of the blessings of a wise and efficient government; I flatter myself that opportunities will not be wanting for me to shew my disposition to encourage the domestic and public virtues of Industry, Economy, Patriotism, Philanthropy, and that Righteousness which exalteth a Nation [Prov. 14:34].

So long as my Conduct shall merit the approbation of the Wise and the Good, I hope to hold the same place in your affections, which your friendly declarations induce me to believe I possess at present: and, amidst all the vicissitudes that may await me in this mutable existence, I shall earnestly desire the continuation of an interest in your intercessions at the Throne of Grace [Heb. 4:16].

George Washington, To the United Baptist Churches of Virginia (May, 1789)

After we had, by the smiles of Heaven on our exertions, obtained the object for which we contended, I retired at the conclusion of the war, with an idea that my country could have no farther occasion for my services, and with the intention of never entering again into public life: But when the exigence of my country seemed to require me once more to engage in public affairs, an honest conviction of duty superseded my former resolution, and became my apology for deviating from the happy plan which I had adopted.

If I could have entertained the slightest apprehension that the Constitution framed in the Convention, where I had the honor to preside, might possibly endanger the religious rights of any ecclesiastical Society, certainly I would never have placed my signature to it; and if I could now conceive that the general Government might ever be so administered as to render the liberty of conscience insecure, I beg you will be persuaded that no one would be more zealous than myself to establish effectual barriers against the horrors of spiritual tyranny, and every species of religious persecution—For you, doubtless, remember that I have often expressed my sentiment, that every man, conducting himself as a good citizen, and being accountable to God alone for his religious opinions, ought to be protected in worshiping the Deity according to the dictates of his own conscience.

While I recollect with satisfaction that the religious society of which you are members have been, throughout America, uniformly, and almost unanimously, the firm friends to civil liberty, and the persevering promoters of our glorious revolution, I cannot hesitate to believe that they will be the faithful supporters of a free, yet efficient general government.

…I entertain a proper sense of your fervent supplications to God for my temporal and eternal happiness.

George Washington, To Edward Rutledge (May 5, 1789)

I cannot fail of being much pleased with the friendly part you take in everything which concerns me; and particularly with the just scale on which you estimate this great sacrifice which I consider myself as having made for the good of my country [serving as President]. When I had judged, upon the best appreciation I was able to form of the circumstances which related to myself, that it was my duty to embark again on the tempestuous and uncertain ocean of public life, I have up all expectations of private happiness in this world…

Though I flatter myself the world will do me the justice to believe that, at my time of life and in my circumstances, nothing but a conviction of my duty could have induced me to depart from my resolution that my countrymen will expect too much from me. I fear, if the issue of public measures should not correspond with their sanguine expectations, they will turn the extravagant (and I may say undue) praises which they are heaping upon me at this moment into equally extravagant (though I fondly hope unmerited) censures.

I feel, in the execution of the duties of my arduous office, how much I shall stand in need of the countenance and aid of every friend to myself, of every friend to the Revolution—and of every lover of good government. I thank you, my dear sir, for your affectionate expressions on this point.

I anticipate that one of the most difficult and delicate parts of the duty of my office will be that which relates to nominations for appoints [to offices].

George Washington, To James Madison (May 5, 1789)

As the first of everything in our situation will serve to establish a precedent, it is devoutly wished on my part that these precedents may be fixed on true principles.

George Washington, To the Citizens of New York City (May 9, 1789)

Unelated by your too favorable appreciation of my past services, I can only pour forth the effusions of a grateful heart to Heaven, if I have been made, in any degree an instrument of good to my country—And, although I am far from claiming any merit for retiring in the manner I did from a military command to the shade of private life [Mic. 4:4].

George Washington, To John Adams (May 10, 1789)

The President of the United States wishes to avail himself of your sentiments on the following points. 1st: Whether a line of conduct, equally distant from an association with all kinds of company on the one hand, and from a total seclusion from society on the other, ought to be adopted by him? And, in that case, how is it to be done?”

2nd: What will be the least exceptionable method of bringing any system which may be adopted on this subject before the public and into use?

4th: Whether it would tend to prompt impertinent applications and involve disagreeable consequences to have it know that the President will, every morning at 8 o’clock, be at leisure to give audiences to persons who may have business with him?

5th: Whether, when it shall have been understood that the President is not to give general entertainment in the manner the Presidents of Congress have formerly done, it will be practicable to draw such a line of discrimination in regard to persons, as that six, eight, or ten official characters…may be invited informally or otherwise to dine with him on the days fixed for receiving company, without exciting clamors in the rest of the community?

6th: Whether it would be satisfactory to the public for the President to make about four great entertainments in a year on such great occasions as—the anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, the alliance with France—peace with Great Britain—the organization of the general government, and whether arrangements of these two last kinds could be in danger of diverting too much of the President’s time from business, or of producing evils which it was intended to avoid by his living more recluse than the Presidents of Congress have heretofore lived.

7th: Whether there would be any impropriety in the Presidents making informal visits—that is to say, in his calling upon his acquaintances or public characters for the purposes of sociability or civility—and what (as to the form of doing it) might evince these visits to have been made in his private character so as that they might not be construed into visits from the President of the United States? And in what light would his appearance rarely at tea parties be considered?

8th: Whether, during the recess of Congress, it would not be advantageous to the interests of the Union for the President to make the tour of the United States in order to become better acquainted with their principal characters and internal circumstances, as well as to be more accessible to numbers of well-informed persons who might give him useful informations [sic] and advices on political subjects?

9th: If there is a probability that either of the arrangements may take place which will eventually cause additional expenses, whether it would not be proper that these ideas should come into contemplation at the time when Congress shall make a permanent provision for the support of the Executive? Remarks: On the one side, no augmentation can be effected in the pecuniary [financial] establishment which shall be made in the first instance for the support of the Executive—on the other, all monies destined to that purpose beyond the actual expenditures will be left in the Treasury of the United States or sacredly applied to the promotion of some national objections.

Many things which appear of little importance in themselves and at the beginning may have great and durable consequences from their having been established at the commencement of a new general government. It will be much easier to commence the administration upon a well-adjusted system built on tenable grounds than to correct errors or alter inconveniences after they shall have been confirmed by habit…Under these impressions, he asks for your candid and undisguised opinions.

George Washington, To the Bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church (May 29, 1789)

It shall still be my endeavor to manifest, by overt acts, the purity of my inclinations for promoting the happiness of mankind, as well as the sincerity of my desires to contribute whatever may be in my power towards the preservation of the civil and religious liberties of the American People. In pursuing this line of conduct, I hope, by the assistance of divine providence, not altogether to disappoint the confidence which you have been pleased to repose in me.

It always affords me satisfaction, when I find a concurrence in sentiment and practice between all conscientious men in acknowledgements of homage to the great Governor of the Universe, and in professions of support to a just civil government. After mentioning that I trust the people of every denomination, who demean themselves as good citizens, will have occasion to be convinced that I shall always strive to prove a faithful and impartial Patron of genuine, vital religion: I must assure you in particular that I take in the kindest part the promise you make of presenting your prayers at the Throne of Grace [Heb. 4:16] for me, and that I likewise implore the divine benedictions on yourselves and your religious community.

George Washington, To the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church (May 30-June 5, 1789)

I receive with great sensibility the testimonial, given by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America, of the live and unfeigned pleasure experienced by them on my appointment to the first office in the nation.

Although it will be my endeavor to avoid being elated by the too favorable opinion which your kindness for me may have induced you to express of the importance of my former conduct, and the effect of my future services: yet, conscious of the disinterestedness of my motive it is not necessary for me to conceal the satisfaction I have felt upon finding, that my compliance with the call of my country, and my dependence on the assistance of Heaven to support me in my arduous undertakings, have, so far as I can learn, met the universal approbation of my countrymen.

While I reiterate the possession of my dependence upon Heaven as the source of all public and private blessings; I will observe that the general prevalence of piety, philanthropy, honesty, industry and economy seems, in the ordinary course of human affairs are particularly necessary for advancing and confirming the happiness of our country. While all men within our territories are protected in worshipping the Deity according to the dictates of their consciences; it is rationally to be expected from them in return, that they will be emulous of evincing the sincerity of their profession by the innocence of their lives, and the beneficence of their actions: For no man, who is profligate in his morals, or a bad member of the civil community, can possibly be a true Christian, or a credit to his own religious society.

I desire you to accept my acknowledgements for your laudable endeavors to render men sober, honest, and good Citizens, and the obedient subjects of a lawful government; as well as for your prayers to Almighty God for his blessing on our common country and the humble instrument, which he has been pleased to make use of in the administration of its government.

George Washington, To the German Reformed Congregations (June, 1789)

I am happy in concurring with you in the sentiments of gratitude and piety towards Almighty-God, which are expressed with such fervency of devotion in your address…

At the same time, I return you my thanks for the manifestation of your firm purpose to support in your persons a government founded injustice and equity, and for the promise that it will be your constant study to impress the minds of the People entrusted to your care with a due sense of the necessity of uniting reverence to such a government and obedience to its laws with the duties and exercises of Religion.

May your devotions before the Throne of Grace be prevalent in calling down the blessings of Heaven upon yourselves and your country.

George Washington, To the Governor and Council of North Carolina (June 19, 1789)

Gratified by the favorable sentiments which are evinced in your address to me, and impressed with an idea that the Citizens of your State are sincerely attached to the Interest, the Prosperity and the Glory of America; I most earnestly implore the Divine benediction and guidance in the councils, which are shortly to be taken by their Delegates on a subject of the most momentous consequence, I mean, the political relation which is to subsist hereafter, between the State of North Carolina and the States now in Union under the new general Government.

George Washington, To the Massachusetts Senate and House of Representatives (July 9, 1789)

In executing the duties of my present important station I can promise nothing but purity of intentions—and in carrying these into effect, fidelity and diligence; if these, under the guidance of a superintending Providence, shall continue to me the approbation and affection of my fellow-citizens of the Union, it will be the highest gratification and the most ample reward that my mind can form any conception of in this life.

For the Benedictions you have been pleased to implore the Parent of the Universe on my person and family I have a grateful heart—and the most ardent wish that we may all, by rectitude of conduct and a perfect reliance on his beneficence, draw the smiles of Heaven on ourselves and posterity to the latest generation [Ps. 100:5, et al].

George Washington, To the Officials of Washington College (July 11, 1789)

A recollection of past events and the happy termination of our glorious struggle for the establishment of the rights of man cannot fail to inspire every feeling heart with veneration and gratitude towards the great Ruler of events, who has so manifestly interposed in our behalf.

I sincerely pray the great Author of the Universe may smile upon the Institution and make it an extensive blessing to this country.

George Washington, To the Moravian Society for Propagating the Gospel (August 15, 1789)

You will also be pleased to accept my thanks for the Treatise which you presented; and to be assured of my patronage in your laudable undertakings.

In proportion as the general Government of the United States shall acquire strength by duration, it is probable they may have it in their power to extend a salutary influence to the Aborigines in the extremities of their Territory. In the meantime, it will be a desirable thing for the protection of the Union to cooperate, as far as the circumstances may conveniently admit, with the disinterested endeavors of your society to civilize and Christianize the Savages of the Wilderness. Under these impressions, I pray Almighty God to have you always in his holy keeping.

George Washington, To the Protestant Episcopal Church (August 19, 1789)

On this occasion it would ill become me to conceal the joy I have felt in perceiving the fraternal affection which appears to increase every day among the friends of genuine religion—It affords edifying prospects indeed to see Christians of different denominations dwell together in more charity, and conduct themselves in respect to each other with a more Christian-like spirit than ever they have done in any former age, or in any other nation.

I receive with the greater satisfaction your congratulations on the establishment of the new constitution of government, because I believe its mild, yet efficient, operations will tend to remove every remaining apprehension of those with whose opinions it may not entirely coincide, as well as to confirm the hopes of its’ numerous friends; and because the moderation, patriotism, and wisdom of the present federal Legislature, seem to promise the restoration of Order, and our ancient virtues; the extension of genuine religion [Jas. 1:27], and the consequent advancement of our respectability abroad, and of our substantial happiness at home.

I request most reverend and respected Gentlemen that you will accept my cordial thanks for your devout supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe in behalf of me—May you, and the People whom you represent be the happy subjects of the divine benedictions both here and hereafter.

George Washington, To Samuel Langdon (September 28, 1789)

The man must be bad indeed who can look upon the events of the American Revolution without feeling the warmest gratitude towards the great Author of the Universe whose divine interposition was so frequently manifested in our behalf—And it is my earnest prayer that we may so conduct ourselves as to merit a continuance of those blessings with which we have hitherto been favored.

George Washington, To Louis XVI (October 9, 1789)

Permit me to assure your Majesty of the unceasing Gratitude and Attachment of the United States, and of our Prayers, that the Almighty will be pleased to keep you, our great and beloved Friend and Ally, under his constant Guidance and Protection.

George Washington, To the Society of Quakers (October 13, 1789)

We have Reason to rejoice in the prospect that the present National Government, which by the favor of Divine Providence, was formed by the common Counsels, and peaceably established with the common consent of the People, will prove a blessing to every denomination of them. To render it such, my best endeavors shall not be wanting.

Government being, among other purposes, instituted to protect the Persons and Consciences of men from oppression, it certainly is the duty of Rulers, not only to abstain from it themselves, but according to their Stations, to prevent it in others.

The liberty enjoyed by the People of these States, of worshipping Almighty God agreeable to their Consciences, is not only among the choicest of their Blessings, but also of their Rights—While men perform their social Duties faithfully, they do all that Society or the State can with propriety demand or expect; and remain responsible only to their Maker for the Religion or modes of faith which they may prefer or profess.

I assure you very explicitly that in my opinion the Conscientious scruples of all men should be treated with great delicacy & tenderness, and it is my wish and desire that the Laws may always be as extensively accommodated to them, as a due regard to the Protection and essential Interests of the Nation may Justify, and permit.

George Washington, To Gouverneur Morris (October 13, 1789)

It may not however be unpleasing to you to hear in one word that the national government is organized, and as far as my information goes, to the satisfaction of all parties—that opposition to it is either no more, or hides its head. That it is hoped and expected it will take strong root, and that the non-acceding States will very soon become members of the Union—no doubt is entertained of North Carolina, nor would there be of Rhode Island had not the majority of that people bid adieu, long since to every principle of honor—common sense, and honesty.

The revolution which has been effected in France is of so wonderful a nature that the mind can hardly realize the fact—if it ends as our last accounts to the first of August predict, that nation will be the most powerful and happy in Europe, but I fear though it has gone triumphantly through the first paroxysm, it is not the last it has to encounter before matters are finally settled. In a word, the revolution is of too great magnitude to be effected in so short a space, and with the loss of so little blood—the mortification of the King, the intrigues of the Queen, and the discontents of the Princes, and the Noblesse will foment divisions, if possible, in the national assembly, and avail themselves of every faux pas in the formation of the constitution if they do not give a more open, active opposition. To these, the licentiousness of the people on one hand, and sanguinary punishments on the other, will alarm the best disposed friends to the measure, and contribute not a little to the overthrow of their object—great temperance, firmness, and foresight, are necessary in the movements of that Body [the Estates General]. To forebear running from one extreme to another is no easy matter, and should this be the case, rocks and shelves not visible at present may wreck the vessel.

This letter is an evidence, though of a trifling sort, that in the commencement of any work, one rarely sees the progress or end of it.

One idea, however, I must impress you with, and that is in whole or part to avoid extravagance. For extravagance would not comport with my own inclination, nor with the example which ought to be set.

George Washington, To the Congregational Ministers of New Haven (October 17, 1789)

The Kind congratulations, contained in your address, claim and receive my grateful and affectionate thanks—respecting, as I do, the favorable opinions of Men distinguished for science and piety, it would be false delicacy to disavow the satisfaction, which I derive from their approbation of my public services, and private conduct.

Regarding that deportment, which consists with true religion [Jas. 1:27], as the best security of temporal peace, and the sure mean of attaining eternal felicity, it will be my earnest endeavor (as far as human frailty can resolve) to inculcate the belief and practice of opinions, which lead to the consummation of those desirable objects.

If it shall please the Great Disposer of events to listen to the pious supplication, which you have preferred in my behalf, I trust that the remainder of my days will evince the gratitude of a heart devoted to the advancement of those objects, which receive the approbation of Heaven, and promote the happiness of our fellow men.

My best prayers are offered to the Throne of Grace [Heb. 4:16] for your happiness, and that of the Congregations committed to your care.

George Washington, To the Connecticut Legislature (October 17, 1789)

If the prosperity of our common country has in any degree been promoted by my military exertions, the toils which attended them have been amply rewarded by the approving voice of my fellow-citizens—I was but the humble Agent of favoring Heaven, whose benign interference was so often manifested in our behalf, and to whom the praise of victory alone is due.

I cannot forego this opportunity to felicitate the Legislature of Connecticut on the pleasing prospect which an abundant harvest presents to its citizens—May industry like theirs ever receive its reward, and may the smile of Heaven crown all endeavors which are prompted by virtue—among which it is justice to estimate your assurance of supporting our equal government.

George Washington, To the President and Fellows of Harvard University (October 27, 1789)

Unacquainted with the expression of sentiments which I do not feel, you will do me justice by believing confidently in my disposition to promote the interests of science and true religion [Jas. 1:27]

George Washington, To the Citizens of Marblehead (November 2, 1789)

Protected in the exercise of those means, which the beneficent Parent of mankind has furnished for their sustenance and comfort, the Citizens of America, animated by virtuous enterprise, and actuated by due obedience to the laws and regulations of their government, may expect with confidence, to enjoy every blessing which industry can promise, and national union may ensure.

Your anxiety for my health, and your prayers for my happiness are replied to with solicitude for your welfare, and an earnest entreaty to the Author of good for your felicity.

George Washington, To the Citizens of Portsmouth (November 2, 1789)

I fear the fond partiality of my countrymen has too highly appreciated my past exertions, and formed too sanguine anticipations of my future services—If the former have been successful, much of the success should be ascribed to those who labored with me in the common cause—and the glory of the event, should be given to the great Disposer of events.

I earnestly pray that the great Ruler of the Universe may smile upon your honest exertions here, and reward your well-doings with future happiness.

George Washington, To the Presbyterian Ministers of Massachusetts and New Hampshire (November 2, 1789)

To be approved by the praise-worthy is a wish as natural to becoming ambition, as its consequence is flattering to our self-love—I am, indeed, much indebted to the favorable sentiments which you entertain towards me, and it will be my study to deserve them.

The tribute of thanksgiving which you offer to “the gracious Father of lights” [Jas 1:17] for his inspiration of our public-councils with wisdom and firmness to complete the national constitution, is worthy of men, who, devoted to the pious purposes of religion, desire their accomplishment by such means as advance the temporal happiness of their fellow-men—and, here, I am persuaded, you will permit me to observe that the path of true piety is so plain as to require but little political direction. To this consideration we ought to ascribe the absence of any regulation, respecting religion, from the Magna-Charta of our country [the Constitution].

To the guidance of the ministers of the gospel this important object is, perhaps, more properly committed—It will be your care to instruct the ignorant, and to reclaim the devious—and, in the progress of morality and science, to which our government will give every furtherance, we may confidently expect the advancement of true religion, and the completion of our happiness.

I pray the munificent Rewarder of virtue that your agency in this good work may receive its compensation here and hereafter.

George Washington, To the Governor and Legislature of New Hampshire (November 3, 1789)

The success, which has hitherto attended our united efforts, we owe to the gracious interposition of Heaven, and to that interposition let us gratefully ascribe the praise of victory, and the blessings of peace.

George Washington, To the Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church in North America (November 19, 1789)

I fear, Gentlemen, your goodness has led you to form too exalted an opinion of my virtues and merits—If such talents as I possess have been called into action by great events, and those events have terminated happily for our country, the glory should be ascribed to the manifest interposition of an over-ruling Providence.

You, Gentlemen, act the part of pious Christians and good citizens by your prayers and exertions to preserve that harmony and good will towards men which must be the basis of every political establishment; and I readily join with you that “while just government protects all in their religious rights, true religion [Jas 1:27] affords to government its surest support.”

I beseech the Almighty to take you and yours under his special care.

George Washington, To Catharine Macaulay Graham (January 9, 1790)

In the first place, I thank you for your congratulatory sentiments on the event which has placed me at the head of the American government, as well as for the indulgent partiality which is to be feared, however, may have warped your judgment too much in favor. But you do me no more than justice in supposing that, if I had been permitted to indulge my first and fondest wish, I should have remained in a private station. Although neither the present age or posterity may possibly give me full credit for the feelings which I have experienced on this subject, yet I have a consciousness that nothing short of an absolute conviction of duty could ever have brought me upon the scenes of public life again.

The establishment of our new government seemed to be the last great experiment for promoting human happiness by reasonable compact in civil society. It was to be, in the first instance, in a considerable degree, a government of accommodation as well as a government of laws. Much was to be done by prudence, much by conciliation, much by firmness. Few who are not philosophical spectators can realize the difficult and delicate part which a man in my situation had to act. All see, and most admire, the glare which hovers round the external trappings of elevated office. To me, there is nothing in it beyond the luster which may be reflected from its connection with a power of promoting human felicity [happiness]. In our progress towards political happiness, my station is new, and, if I may use the expression, I walk on untrodden ground. There is scarcely any action whose motives may not be subject to a double interpretation. There is scarcely any part of my conduct which may not hereafter be drawn into precedent. Under such a view of the duties inherent to my arduous office, I could not but feel a diffidence in myself on the one hand, and an anxiety for the community that every new arrangement should be made in the best possible manner on the other. If after all my humble but faithful endeavors to advance the felicity of my country and mankind I may indulge a hope that my labors have not been altogether without success, it will be the only real compensation I can receive in the closing scenes of life.

On the actual situation of this country under its new government, I will, in the next place, make a few remarks. That the government, though not absolutely perfect, is one of the best in the world, I have little doubt. I always believed that an unequivocally free and equal representation of the people in the legislature, together with an efficient and responsible executive were the great pillars on which the preservation of American freedom must depend. It was indeed next to a miracle that there should have been so much unanimity in points of such importance among such a number of citizens so widely scattered and so different in their habits in many respects as the Americans were. Nor are the growing unanimity and increasing goodwill of the citizens to the government less remarkable than favorable circumstances. So far as we have gone with the new government (and it is completely organized and in operation) we have had greater reason than the most sanguine could expect to be satisfied with its success. Perhaps a number of accidental circumstances have concurred with the real effects of the government to make the people uncommonly well pleased with their situation and prospects. The harvests of wheat have been remarkably good—the demand for that article from abroad is great—the increase of commerce is visible in every port—and the number of new manufactures introduced in one year is astonishing.

I have lately made a tour through the eastern States. I have fond the country, in a great degree, recovered from the ravages of war—the towns flourishing—and the people delighted with a government instituted by themselves and for their own good. The same facts I have also reason to believe from good authority exist in the southern States.

By what I have just observed, I think you will be persuaded that the ill-boding politicians who prognosticated that America would never enjoy any fruits from her Independence and that she would be obliged to have recourse to a foreign power for protection have at least been mistaken. I shall sincerely rejoice to see that the American Revolution has been productive of happy consequences on both sides of the Atlantic. The renovation of the French constitution is indeed one of the most wonderful events in the history of mankind, and the agency of the Marquis de La Fayette in a high degree honorable to his character. My greatest fear has been that the nation would not sufficiently cool and moderate in making arrangements for the security of that liberty, of which it seems to be fully possessed.

Her wishes [Mrs. Washington] coincide with my own as to simplicity of dress and everything which can tend to support propriety of character without partaking of the follies of luxury and ostentation.

George Washington, To the Maryland Legislature (January 20, 1790)

In noticing the eventful period, since the resignation of my military command; I trace, with infinite gratitude, the agency of a Providence, which induced the People of America to substitute in the place of an inadequate confederacy, a general Government, eminently calculated to secure the safety and welfare of their Country.

I pray for the Divine Benedictions on you, Gentlemen and on your State.

George Washington, To Thomas Jefferson (January 21, 1790)

In confidence, therefore, I will tell you plainly that I wish not to oppose your inclinations, and that, after you shall have been made a little farther acquainted with the light in which I view the Office of Secretary of State, it must be at your option to determine relative to your acceptance of it, or continuance in your office abroad.

I consider the successful administration of the general government as an object of almost infinite consequence to the present and future happiness of the citizens of the United States.

I consider the Office of Secretary for the Department of State as very important on many accounts, and I know of no person who, in my judgment, could better execute the duties of it than yourself. Its duties will probably be not quite so arduous and complicated in their execution as you might have been led at the first moment to imagine.

But, in order that you may be the better prepared to make your ultimate decision on good grounds, I think it necessary to add one fact, which is this, so far as I have been able to obtain information from all quarters, your late appointment has given very extensive and very great satisfaction to the public.

The necessary arrangements with regard to our intercourse with foreign nations have never yet been taken up on a great scale by the government because the department which comprehended affairs of that nature has never been properly organized so as to bring the business well and systematically before the Executive.

George Washington, To Roman Catholics in America (c. March 15, 1790)

While I now receive with much satisfaction your congratulations on my being called, by an unanimous vote, to the first station in my Country; I cannot but duly notice your politeness in offering an apology for the unavoidable delay. As that delay has given you an opportunity of realizing, instead of anticipating, the benefits of the general Government; you will do me the justice to believe, that your testimony of the increase of the public prosperity, enhances the pleasure which I should otherwise have experienced from your affectionate address.

I feel that my conduct, in war and in peace, has met with more general approbation than could reasonably have been expected: and I find myself disposed to consider that fortunate circumstance, in a great degree, resulting from the able support and extraordinary candor of my fellow-citizens of all denominations.

The prospect of national prosperity now before us is truly animating, and ought to excite the exertions of all good men to establish and secure the happiness of their Country, in the permanent duration of its Freedom and Independence. America, under the smiles of a Divine Providence—the protection of a good Government—and the cultivation of manners, morals and piety, cannot fail of attaining an uncommon degree of eminence, in literature, commerce, agriculture, improvements at home and respectability abroad.

As mankind become more liberal they will be more apt to allow, that all those who conduct themselves as worthy members of the Community are equally entitled to the protection of civil Government. I hope ever to see America among the foremost nations in examples of justice and liberality. And I presume that your fellow-citizens will not forget the patriotic part which you took in the accomplishment of their Revolution, and the establishment of their Government: or the important assistance which they received from a nation in which the Roman Catholic faith is professed.

I thank you, Gentlemen, for your kind concern for me. While my life and my health shall continue, in whatever situation I may he, it shall be my constant endeavor to justify the favorable sentiments which you are pleased to express of my conduct. And may the members of your Society in America, animated alone by the pure spirit of Christianity, and still conducting themselves as the faithful subjects of our free Government, enjoy every temporal and spiritual felicity.

George Washington, To the Georgia Legislature (March 18, 1790)

I am naturally led to reflect on the unlimited gratitude which we owe, as a nation, to the supreme Arbiter of human events for his interposition in our favor—as well as on the singular obligations which are due from me as an individual, for the indulgent sentiments which my fellow-citizens have always had the goodness to entertain of my conduct.

I am much pleased, Gentlemen, with the frankness which you have manifested in regard to myself—and return you my hearty thanks for the good wishes you have expressed for my health and happiness, with a sincere prayer that the same blessings may be extended to you and your constituents.

George Washington, To Louis IX (April 6, 1790)

We pray God to keep your Majesty under his holy Protection.

George Washington, To the Society of Free Quakers (c. April 8, 1790)

Having always considered the conscientious scruples of religious belief as resting entirely with the sects that profess, or the individuals who entertain them, I cannot, consistent with this uniform sentiment, otherwise notice the circumstances referred to in your address, than by adding the tribute of my acknowledgement, to that of our country, for those services which the members of your particular community rendered to the common cause in the course of our revolution—and by assuring you that, as our present government was instituted with an express view to general happiness, it will be my earnest endeavor, in discharging the duties confided to me with faithful impartiality, to realize the hope of common protection which you expect from the measures of that government.

Impressed with gratitude for your supplications to the supreme Being in my favor, I entreat his gracious beneficence in your behalf.

George Washington, To the Governor and Council of North Carolina (August 26, 1790)

May you and the State in whose government you have the principal agency, be also the peculiar care of divine providence.

George Washington, To the Virginia Legislature (April 27, 1790)

If I have been enabled to make use of whatever abilities Heaven has been pleased to confer upon me, with any advantage to our common Country, I consider it not less owing to the fostering encouragement I received in early life from the Citizens of the Commonwealth in which I was born, than to the persevering support I have since experienced from my fellow-Citizens collectively, in the course of their exertions, which, under Divine Providence, saved their Liberties and established their Independence.

In looking forward to that awful moment, when I must bid adieu to Sublunary Scenes, I anticipate the consolation of leaving our Country in a prosperous condition. And, while the curtain of separation shall be drawing, my last breath will, I trust, expire in a prayer for the temporal and eternal felicity of those, who have not only endeavored to gild the evening of my days with unclouded serenity, but extended their desires to my happiness hereafter in a brighter world.

George Washington, To the Savannah, GA Hebrew Congregation (June 14, 1790)

I rejoice that a spirit of liberality and philanthropy is much more prevalent than it formerly was among the enlightened nations of the earth; and that your brethren will benefit thereby in proportion as it shall become still more extensive. Happily the people of the United States of America have, in many instances, exhibited examples worthy of imitation—The salutary influence of which will doubtless extend much farther, if gratefully enjoying those blessings of peace which (under favor of Heaven) have been obtained by fortitude in war, they shall conduct themselves with reverence to the Deity, and charity towards their fellow-creatures.

May the same wonder-working Deity, who long since delivering the Hebrews from their Egyptian Oppressors planted them in the promised land—whose providential agency has lately been conspicuous in establishing these United States as an independent nation—still continue to water them with the dews of Heaven and to make the inhabitants of every denomination participate in the temporal and spiritual blessings of that people whose God is Jehovah.

George Washington, To the People of South Carolina (July 5, 1790)

Flattering as it may be to find the extraordinary unanimity of the People of the United States in placing me at the head of their federal Republic; I am still more pleased with a recollection of the manly conduct on their part, which in the issue of an arduous struggle, put them in a condition to enjoy the blessings of a free government. It was owing to their steady and strenuous support, with the smiles of a gracious providence, that I did not sink under the oppression I felt from a diffidence in my abilities to conduct their military operations.

I pray you to be persuaded, that, while I receive with great sensibility such repeated proofs of the partiality of my fellow-citizens in my favor, I feel increasing obligations to devote my labors unremittingly to the public service, and with the benediction of the great Father of the universe on our councils, to use my best endeavors that the American people who have of right assumed an independent station amongst the nations of the earth should forever remain a great, respectable, and happy nation.

George Washington, To the Convention of the Universal Church (August 9, 1790)

It gives me the most sensible pleasure to find, that, in our nation, however different are the sentiments of citizens on religious doctrines, they generally concur in one thing, for their political professions and practices are almost universally friendly to the order and happiness of our civil institutions—I am also happy in finding this disposition particularly evinced by your society. It is moreover my earnest desire, that all the members of every association or community, throughout the United States, may make such use of the auspicious years of Peace, liberty and free enquiry, with which they are now favored, as they shall hereafter find occasion to rejoice for having done.

I assure you, Gentlemen, that in mentioning my obligations for the effusions of your benevolent wishes on my behalf, I feel animated with new zeal, that my conduct may ever be worthy of your favorable opinion, as well as such as shall in every respect best comport with the character of an intelligent and accountable Being.

George Washington, To Marquis de Lafayette (August 11, 1790)

In this great subject of triumph for the new world, and for humanity in general, it will never be forgotten how conspicuous a part you bore, and how much luster you reflected on a country [France] in which you made the first displays of character.

How much will the concerned be indebted to the exertions of the principal pilot, when the ship [France] shall, at the ender of her dangerous course, be securely harbored in the haven of national tranquility, freedom, and glory, to which she is destined, and which I hope she is near attaining…

[S]ince the basis of our proceedings with the Indian Nations has been, and shall be justice, during the period in which I may have anything to do in the administration of this government.

Our negotiations and transactions, though many of them are on a small scale as to the objects, ought to be governed by the immutable principles of equity, as much as your European politics, which are more extended in their compass.

It seems to be our policy to keep in the situation in which nature has placed us to observe a strict neutrality, and to furnish others with those good things of subsistence, which they may want, and which our fertile land abundantly produces, if circumstances and events will permit us so to do.

Gradually recovering from the distresses in which the war left us, patiently advancing in our task of civil government, unentangled in the crooked politics of Europe, wanting scarcely anything but the free navigation of the Mississippi (which we must have and as certainly shall have as we remain a nation)—I have supposed that, with the undeviating exercise of a just, steady, and prudent national policy, we shall be the gainers, whether the powers of the old world may be in peace or war; but more especially in the latter case.

George Washington, To the Hebrew Congregation in Newport, Rhode Island (August 18, 1790)

The reflection on the days of difficulty and danger which are past is rendered the more sweet from a consciousness that they are succeeded by days of uncommon prosperity and security. If we have wisdom to make the best use of the advantages with which we are now favored, we cannot fail, under the just administration of a good Government, to become a great and a happy people.

The Citizens of the United States of America have a right to applaud themselves for having given to mankind examples of an enlarged and liberal policy: a policy worthy of imitation. All possess alike liberty of conscience and immunities of citizenship. It is now no more that toleration is spoken of, as if it was by the indulgence of one class of people, that another enjoyed the exercise of their inherent natural rights. For happily the Government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens, in giving it on all occasions their effectual support.

It would be inconsistent with the frankness of my character not to avow that I am pleased with your favorable opinion of my Administration, and fervent wishes for my felicity. May the Children of the Stock of Abraham, who dwell in this land, continue to merit and enjoy the good will of the other Inhabitants; while every one shall sit in safety under his own vine and fig tree, and there shall be none to make him afraid. May the father of all mercies scatter light and not darkness in our paths, and make us all in our several vocations useful here, and in his own due time and way everlastingly happy.

George Washington, To the Clergy of Newport, Rhode Island (August 18, 1790)

I am inexpressibly happy that by the smiles of divine Providence, my weak but honest endeavors to serve my country have hitherto been crowned with so much success, and apparently given such satisfaction to those in whose cause they were exerted. The same benignant influence, together with the concurrent support of all real friends to their country will still be necessary to enable me to be in any degree useful to this numerous and free People over whom I am called to preside.

Wherefore I return you, Gentlemen, my hearty thanks for your solemn invocation of Almighty God that every temporal and spiritual blessing [Jas. 1:17] may be dispensed to me, and that, under my administration, the families of these States may enjoy peace and prosperity, with all the blessings attendant on civil and religious liberty—In the participation of which blessings may you have an ample Share.

The Citizens of the United States of America have a right to applaud themselves for having given to mankind examples of an enlarged and liberal policy: a policy worthy of imitation. All possess alike liberty of conscience and immunities of citizenship. It is now no more that toleration is spoken of, as if it was by the indulgence of one class of people, that another enjoyed the exercise of their inherent natural rights. For happily the Government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens, in giving it on all occasions their effectual support.

May the children of the stock of Abraham who dwell in this land continue to merit and enjoy the goodwill of the other inhabitants while everyone shall sit in safety under his own vine and fig tree, and there shall be none to make him afraid [Mic. 4:4].

May the father of all mercies scatter light and not darkness in our paths, and make us all in our several vocations useful here, and in his own due time and way everlastingly happy.

George Washington, To the Inhabitants of Providence, Rhode Island (August 19, 1790)

As, under the smiles of Heaven, America is indebted for Freedom and Independence, rather to the joint exertions of the Citizens of the several States; in which it may be your boast to have borne no inconsiderable share; than to the Conduct of her Commander in Chief, so is she indebted for their support, rather to a continuation of those exertions than to the Prudence and Ability manifested in the exercise of the powers delegated to the President of the United States.

I rejoice in having so favorable an opportunity of felicitating the State of Rhode Island on the co-operation I am sure to find in the measures adopted by the guardians of literature in this place, for improving the morals of the rising generation, and inculcating upon their minds principles peculiarly calculated for the preservation of our rights & liberties. You may rely on whatever protection I may be able to afford in so important an object, as the education of our Youth.

I will now conclude, Gentlemen, by expressing my acknowledgments for the tender manner in which you mention the restoration of my health on a late occasion; and with ardent wishes that Heaven may prosper the literary Institution under your care, in giving you the best of its blessings in this World, as well as in the world to come.

George Washington, To the Corporation of Rhode Island College (August 19, 1790)

While I cannot remain insensible to the indulgence with which you regard the influence of my example & the tenor of my conduct; I rejoice in having so favorable an opportunity of felicitating the State of Rhode Island on the co-operation I am sure to find in the measures adopted by the guardians of literature in this place, for improving the morals of the rising generation, and inculcating upon their minds principles peculiarly calculated for the preservation of our rights & liberties. You may rely on whatever protection I may be able to afford in so important an object, as the education of our Youth.

I will now conclude, Gentlemen, by expressing my acknowledgments for the tender manner in which you mention the restoration of my health on a late occasion; and with ardent wishes that Heaven may prosper the literary Institution under your care, in giving you the best of its blessings in this World, as well as in the world to come.

George Washington, To the Governor and Council of North Carolina (August 26, 1790)

I desire, Gentlemen, to make acceptable to you my acknowledgements for the kind concern you take in the restoration of my health and preservation of my life, and in the retribution I may receive after the conclusion of this mortal existence. May you and the State in whose government you have the principal agency, be also the peculiar care of divine providence.

George Washington, To Citizens of Elizabethtown, Maryland (October 20, 1790)

I offer sincere wishes for your temporal happiness and future felicity.

George Washington, To the Hebrew Congregations of Philadelphia, New York, Charleston, and Richmond (December 13, 1790)

The liberality of sentiment toward each other which marks every political and religious denomination of men in this Country, stands unparalleled in the history of Nations. The affection of such people is a treasure beyond the reach of calculation; and the repeated proofs which my fellow Citizens have given of their attachment to me, and approbation of my doings form the purest source of my temporal felicity. The affectionate expressions of your address again excite my gratitude, and receive my warmest acknowledgments.

The Power and Goodness of the Almighty were strongly Manifested in the events of our late glorious revolution; and his kind interposition in our behalf has been no less visible in the establishment of our present equal government. In war he directed the Sword; and in peace he has ruled in our Councils. My agency in both has been guided by the best intentions, and a sense of the duty which I owe my Country: and as my exertions have hitherto been amply rewarded by the Approbation of my fellow Citizens, I shall endeavor to deserve a continuance of it by my future conduct.

May the same temporal and eternal blessings which you implore for me, rest upon your Congregations.

George Washington, To Louis XVI (March 2, 1791)

I renew sincere assurances of the friendship and affection which I bear to your Majesty and your Nation, and I pray God to have you, very great and good friend and Ally, in his holy keeping.

George Washington, To the Emperor or Morocco (March 31, 1791)

May that God, whom we both adore, bless your Imperial Majesty with long life, Health, and Success, and have you always, great and magnanimous Friend, under his holy keeping.

If to my agency in the affairs of our common-country may be ascribed any of the great advantages, which it now enjoys, I am amply and most agreeably rewarded in contemplating the happiness, and receiving the approbation of my fellow-citizens, whose freedom and felicity are fixed, I trust forever, on an undecaying basis of wisdom and virtue.

George Washington, To the Officials and Citizens of Richmond (April 12, 1791)

Among the blessings which a gracious Providence may be pleased to bestow on the people of America, I shall behold with peculiar pleasure the prosperity of your city, and the individual happiness of its inhabitants.

George Washington, To the Inhabitants of New Bern, North Carolina (April 20-21, 1791)

A bountiful providence has blessed us with all the means of national and domestic happiness—To our own virtue and wisdom are referred their improvement and realization.

George Washington, To Marquis de Lafayette (July 28, 1791)

I assure you I have often contemplated, with great anxiety, the danger to which you are personally exposed by your peculiar and delicate situation in the tumult of the times, and your letters are far from quieting that friendly concern. But to one who engaged in hazardous enterprises for the good of his country, and who is guided by pure and upright views (as I am sure is the case with you) life is but a secondary consideration.

We must, however, place a confidence in that Providence who rules great events, trusting that out of confusion he will produce order, and, notwithstanding the dark clouds which may threaten at present, that right will ultimately be established.

The tumultuous populace of large cities are ever to be dreaded. Their indiscriminate violence prostrates for the time all public authority, and its consequences are sometimes extensive and terrible.

But until your Constitution is fixed, your government organized, and your representative body renovated, much tranquility cannot be expected, for until these things are done, those who are unfriendly to the revolution will not quit the hope of bringing matters back to their former state.

In the course of this journey I have been highly gratified in observing the flourishing state of the country, and the good disposition of the people. Industry and economy have become very fashionable in these parts, which were formerly noted for the opposite qualities, and the labors of man are assisted by the blessings of Providence. The attachment of all classes of citizens to the general government seems to be a pleasing presage of their future happiness and respectability.

The complete establishment of our public credit is a strong mark of the confidence of the people in the virtue of their representatives, and the wisdom of their measures, and, while in Europe, wars or commotions seem to agitate us, except on some parts of our western frontiers, where the Indians have been troublesome, to reclaim or chastise whom proper measures are now pursuing. This contrast between the situation of the people of the United States and those of Europe is too striking to be passed over, even by the most superficial observer, and may, I believe, be considered as one great cause of leading the people here to reflect more attentively on their own prosperous state, and to examine more minutely, and consequently approve more fully of the government under which they live, than they otherwise would have done.

But we do not wish to be the only people who may taste the sweets of an equal and good government; we look with an anxious eye to the time when happiness and tranquility shall prevail in your country, and when all Europe shall be freed from commotions, tumults, and alarms.

George Washington, To Samuel Vaughan (August 25, 1791)

[E]very heart must be impressed with lively gratitude towards the supreme Ruler of events upon a recollection of the circumstances which have brought us to our present political situation.

George Washington, To Henry Knox (September 8, 1791)

Parental feelings are too much alive in the moment of these misfortunes to admit the consolations of religion or philosophy; but I am persuaded reason will call one or both of them to your aid as soon as the keenness of your anguish is abated.

He that gave you know has a right to take away [Job 1:21]—his ways are wise—they are inscrutable, and irresistible.

George Washington, To the United States Senate and House of Representatives (October 25, 1791)

Numerous as are the Providential blessings which demand our grateful acknowledgments—the abundance with which another year has again rewarded the industry of the Husbandman, is too important to escape recollection.

A System corresponding with the mild principles of religion and philanthropy towards an unenlightened race of men, whose happiness materially depends on the conduct of the United States, would be as honorable to the national character as conformable to the dictates of sound policy.

The safety of the United States, under Divine protection, ought to rest on the basis of systematic and solid arrangements; exposed as little as possible to the hazards of fortuitous circumstances.

George Washington, To Mary Butler (January 6, 1792)

I sincerely hope that you will under the present pressure of your affliction experience all the powerful consolation of Religion and Philosophy.

George Washington, To John Carroll (April 10, 1792)

I have received, and duly considered your memorial of the 20^th ultimo, on the subject of instructing the Indians, within and contiguous to the United States, in the principles and duties of Christianity…

Impressed as I am with an opinion, that the most effectual means of securing the permanent attachment of our savage neighbors is to convince them that we are just, and to shew them that a proper and friendly intercourse with us would be for our mutual advantage, I cannot conclude without giving you my thanks for your pious and benevolent wishes to effect this desirable end upon the mild principles of Religion and Philanthropy. And when a proper occasion shall offer I have no doubt but such measures will be pursued as may seem best calculated to communicate liberal instruction & the blessings of society to their untutored minds.

George Washington, Message to the Five Nations (April 25, 1792)

Our Lives are all in the hands of our Maker, and we must part with them whenever he shall demand them, and the survivors must submit to events they cannot prevent.

George Washington, To Marquis de Lafayette (June 10, 1792)

In the revolution of a great nation we must not be surprised at the vicissitudes to which individuals are liable, and the changes they experience will always be in proportion to the weight of their public character.

Since the commencement of your revolution [in France], our attention has been drawn, with no small anxiety, almost to France alone; but at this moment, Europe in general seems pregnant with great events, and to whatever nation we turn our eyes there appears to be more or less cause to believe that an important change will take place at no very distant period.

Those philanthropic spirits who regard the happiness of mankind are now watching the progress of things with the greatest solicitude, and consider the event of the present crisis as fixing the fate of man…Not only the fate of millions of the present day depends upon them, but the happiness of posterity is involved in their decisions.

We are, however, anxious that the horrors of war may be avoided, if possible, and the rights of man so well understood and so permanently fixed, as while despotic oppression is avoided on the one hand, licentiousness may not be substituted for liberty, nor confusion take place of order on the other…

[C]ool reason, which can alone establish a permanent and equal government, is as little to be expected in the tumults of popular commotion as an attention to the liberties of the people is to be found in the dark Divan of a despotic tyrant.

And to the care of that Providence, whose interposition and protection we have so often experienced, do I cheerfully commit you and your nation, trusting that he will bring order out of confusion, and finally place things upon the ground on which they ought to stand.

The affairs of the United States still go on in a prosperous train. We increase daily in numbers and riches, and the people are blessed with the enjoyment of those rights which can alone give security and happiness to a nation.

George Washington, To Edward Newnham (October 20, 1792)

Of all the animosities which have existed among mankind those which are caused by a difference of sentiment in Religion appear to be the most inveterate and distressing and ought most to be deprecated. I was in hopes that the enlightened and liberal policy which has marked the present age would at least have reconciled Christians of every denomination so far that we should never again see their religious disputes carried to such a pitch as to endanger the peace of Society.

George Washington, To the Members of the New Jerusalem Church of Baltimore (January 27, 1793)

But to the manifest interposition of an over-ruling Providence, and to the patriotic exertions of united America, are to be ascribed those events which have given us a respectable rank among the nations of the Earth.

We have abundant reason to rejoice, that in this land the light of truth and reason have triumphed over the power of bigotry and superstition, and that every person may here worship God according to the dictates of his own heart. In this enlightened age and in this land of equal liberty, it is our boast, that a man’s religious tenets will not forfeit the protection of the laws, nor deprive him of the right of attaining and holding the highest offices that are known in the United States.

Your prayers for my present and future felicity are received with gratitude; and I sincerely wish, Gentlemen, that you may, in your social and individual capacities, taste those blessings which a gracious God bestows upon the righteous.

George Washington, To Gouverneur Morris (March 25, 1793)

If you, who are at the fountain head of those great and important transactions which have lately engrossed the attention of Europe and America cannot pretend to say what will be their event, surely we in this distant quarter should be presumptuous indeed in venturing to predict it, and unwise should we be in the extreme to involve ourselves in the contests of European nations, where our weight could be but small, though the loss to ourselves would be certain. I can however with truth aver that this country is not guided by such narrow and mistaken policy as will lead it to wish the destruction of any nation under an idea that our importance will be increased in proportion as that of others is lessened. We should rejoice to see every nation enjoying all the advantages that nature and its circumstances would admit, consistent with civil liberty, and the rights of other nations. Upon this ground the prosperity of this country would unfold itself every day, and every day it would be growing in political importance.

You see me again entering upon the arduous duties of an important office [after his reelection]. I do it so contrary to my intention that it would require more time than I have prescribed to myself to assign the reasons and therefore I shall leave them for your own suggestion, aided by the publications which you will find in the gazettes [newspapers].

George Washington, To the Citizens of Richmond, Virginia (August 28, 1793)

True to our duties and interests as Americans—firm to our purpose as lovers of peace—let us unite our fervent prayers to the great ruler of the Universe, that the justice & moderation of all concerned may permit us to continue in the uninterrupted enjoyment of a blessing, which we so greatly prize, and of which we ardently wish them a speedy & permanent participation.

George Washington, To the Citizens of New London, Connecticut (September 2, 1793)

Experienced as we have lately been in the calamities of war, it must be the prayer of every good Citizen that it may long be averted from our land, and that the blessings which a kind providence has bestowed upon us, may continue uninterrupted.

George Washington, To the Germantown, Pennsylvania School Trustees (November 6, 1793)

Where it will be best for Congress to remain will depend on circumstances which are daily unfolding themselves, and for the issue of which, we can but offer up our prayers to the Sovereign Dispenser of life and health. His favor too on our endeavors—the good sense and firmness of our fellow citizens, and fidelity in those they employ, will secure to us a permanence of good government.

George Washington, To John Jay (August 30, 1794)

This may be considered as the most open and daring act of the British agents in America, though it is not the most hostile or cruel; for there does not remain a doubt in the mind of any well informed person in this country (not shut against conviction) that all the difficulties we encounter with the Indians, their hostilities, the murders of helpless women and innocent children along our frontiers results from the conduct of the agents of Great Britain in this country.

Can it be expected I ask, so long as these things are known in the United States, or at least firmly believed, an suffered with impunity by Great Britain, that there ever will or can be any cordiality between the two countries? I answer NO! And I will undertake, without the gift of prophecy, to predict that it will be impossible to keep this country in a state of amity with Great Britain long if the posts are not surrendered [from the initial treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States]…

[B]ut both may rest satisfied that if they want to be in peace with this country, and to enjoy the benefits of its trade, etc. to give up the posts is the only road to it. Withholding them, and the consequences we feel at present, continuing, war will be inevitable.

George Washington, To the Citizens of Carlisle, Pennsylvania (October 6, 1794)

When we look round and behold the universally acknowledged prosperity which blesses every part of the United States facts no less unequivocal than those which are the lamented occasion of our present meeting, were necessary to persuade us; that any portion of our fellow Citizens could be so deficient in discernment or virtue, as to attempt to disturb a situation which, instead of murmurs and tumults, calls [for our] warmest gratitude to Heaven, and our earnest endeavors to preserve and prolong so favored a lot.

George Washington, To the Emperor of Morocco (December 31, 1794)

May that God, whom we both adore, bless your Imperial Majesty with long life, health, and success, and have you always, great and magnanimous Friend, under his holy keeping.

George Washington, To Tobias Lear (March 30, 1796)

It is the nature of humanity to mourn for the loss of our friends; and the more we loved them, the more poignant is our grief. It is part of the precepts of religion and Philosophy, to consider the Dispensations of Providence as wise, immutable, uncontrollable; of course, that it is our duty to submit with as little repining, as the sensibility of our natures is capable of, to all its decrees. But nature will, notwithstanding, indulge, for a while, its sorrows.

To say how much we loved, and esteemed our departed friend, is unnecessary—She is now no more! but she must be happy, because her virtue has a claim to it.

As you talked of coming to this place on business, let us press you to do so. The same room that serves Mr. Dandridge and Washington is large enough to receive a Bed also for you; and it is needless to add, we shall be glad of your company. The change may be serviceable to you; and if our wishes were of any avail, they would induce you to make your stay here as long as your convenience would permit.

At all times, and under all circumstances, we are, and ever shall remain, Your sincere and Affectionate friends.

George Washington, To the Batavian Republic National Assembly (February 17, 1797)

I pray God to have you, Great and good friends, in his holy keeping.

George Washington, To the Pennsylvania Legislature (February 17, 1797)

Though now seeking that repose which retirement and the tranquil pursuit of rural affairs are calculated to afford, and which my time of life requires, the love of my country will indeed suffer no abatement: its safety and prosperity will be essential to the enjoyment of my remaining years. And I confide in [the] discernment and patriotism of my fellow-citizens for the choice of wise and virtuous men who will successively administer every branch of the government in such manner as, under divine Providence, to enforce the general happiness.

George Washington, To the Batavian Republic National Assembly (March 2, 1797)

I pray God to have you, Great and good friends, in his holy keeping.

George Washington, To Henry Knox (March 2, 1797)

From the friendship I have always borne you—and from the interest I have ever taken in whatever relates to your prosperity and happiness, I participated in the sorrows which I know you must have felt for your late heavy losses. But it is not for man to scan the wisdom of Providence. The best he can do, is to submit to its decrees. Reason, Religion and Philosophy teaches us to do this, but ’tis time alone that can ameliorate the pangs of humanity, and soften its woes.

Although the prospect of retirement is most grateful to my soul, and I have not a wish to mix again in the great world, or to partake in its politics, yet, I am not without my regrets at parting with (perhaps never more to meet) the few intimates who I love, among these be assured you are one.

On the subject of politics I shall say nothing; you will have an opportunity of seeing and conversing with many of the legislators from whom, so far as it relates to the proceedings of their own body [Congress] they can give you the details. The Gazettes [newspapers] will furnish the rest.

George Washington, To William White (March 3, 1797)

Believing, as I do, that Religion & Morality are the essential pillars of Civic society, I view, with unspeakable pleasure, that harmony and Brotherly love which characterizes the Clergy of different denominations—as well in this, as in other parts of the United States: exhibiting to the world a new and interesting spectacle, at once the pride of our Country and the surest basis of universal Harmony.

George Washington, To John Adams (September 25, 1798)

With respect to General Knox, I can say with truth, there is no man in the United States with whom I have been in habits of greater intimacy—no one whom I have loved more sincerely—nor any for whom I have had a greater friendship. But, esteem, love and friendship, can have no influence on my mind when I conceive that the subjugation of our Government and Independence, are the objects aimed at by the enemies of our Peace—and when, possibly, our all is at stake.

George Washington, To Landon Carter (October 5, 1798)

I thank you for the trouble you have taken in delivering your thoughts on the means of preserving health. Having, through life, been blessed with a competent share of it without using preventatives against sickness, and as little medicine as possible when sick, I can have no inducement now to change my practice against the effect of time and age, no remedy has ever yet been discovered; and like the rest of my fellow mortals, I must (if life is prolonged) submit, and be reconciled to a gradual decline.

George Washington, To William White (May 30, 1799)

The Sermon on the duty of Civil obedience as required in Scripture, which you had the goodness to send me, came safe a Post or two ago; and for which I pray you to accept my grateful acknowledgments.

The hurry in which it found me engaged, in a matter that pressed, has not allowed me time to give it a perusal yet: but I anticipate the pleasure & edification I shall find when it is in my power to do it.

Diary and Other Private Documents

George Washington, Reward for Runaway Slaves (August 11, 1761)

Whoever apprehends the said Negroes so that the subscribe may readily get them shall have, if taken up in this country, forty shillings reward, beside what the law allows; and if at any greater distance, or out of the colony, a proportionable [sic] recompense paid them.

George Washington, Diary (September 17, 1787)

Met in Convention when the Constitution received the unanimous assent of 11 States and Colonel Hamilton’s from New York…and was subscribed to by every member present except Governor Randolph and Colonel Mason from Virginia and Mr. Gerry from Massachusetts.

The business being thus closed, the member adjourned to the City Tavern, dined together, and took a cordial leave of each other—after which I returned to my lodgings—did some business with, and received the papers from the secretary of the Convention, and retired to mediate on the momentous work which had been executed…

George Washington, Diary (April 16, 1789)

About ten o’clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, and to domestic felicity; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express, set out for New York in company with Mr. Thompson, and colonel Humphries, with the best dispositions to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations.

George Washington, Diary (April 23, 1789)

Reflection on Inaugural Festivities

The display of boats which attended and joined us on this occasion [his inauguration], some with vocal and some with instrumental music on board; the decorations of the ships, the roar of cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people which rent the skies, as I passed along the wharves, filled my mind with sensations as painful (considering the reverse of this scene, which may be the case after all my labors to do good) as they are pleasing.

George Washington, Last Will and Testament (July 9, 1799)

In the name of God amen. I GEORGE WASHINGTON of Mount Vernon, a citizen of the United States, and lately President of the same, do make, ordain, and declare this instrument, which is written with my own hand and every page thereof subscribed with my name, to be my last Will and Testament, revoking all others.

All my debts, of which there are but true, and none of magnitude, are to be punctually and speedily paid, and the legacies hereinafter bequeathed are to be discharged as soon as circumstances will permit, and in the manner directed.

To my dearly beloved wife Martha Washington give and bequeath the use, profit, and benefit of my whole Estate, real and personal, for the term of her natural life; except such parts thereof as are specifically disposed of hereafter.

Upon the decease of my wife, it is my Will and desire that all the slaves which I hold in my own right shall receive their freedom. To emancipate them during her life would, though earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties on account of their intermixture by marriages with the Dower Negros as to excite the most painful sensations, if not disagreeable consequences from the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor; it not being in my power, under the tenure by which the Dower Negros are held, to manumit them.

And whereas among those who will receive freedom according to this device, there may be some who from old age or bodily infirmities, and others who on account of their infancy, that will be unable to support themselves; it is my Will and desire that all who come under the first and second description shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live; and that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or if living are unable, or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty five years…

The Negroes thus bound are (by their Masters or Mistresses) to be taught to read and write, and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeably to the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of orphan and other poor children. And I do hereby expressly forbid the sale, or transportation out of the said Commonwealth of any slave I may die possessed of, under any pretense whatsoever.

And I do moreover most pointedly, and most solemnly enjoin it upon my Executors hereafter named, or the survivors of them, to see that this clause respecting slaves, and every part thereof be religiously fulfilled at the epoch at which it is directed to take place; without evasion, neglect, or delay, after the crops which may then be on the ground are harvested, particularly as it respects the aged and infirm; seeing that a regular and permanent fund be established for their support so long as there are subjects requiring it; not trusting to the uncertain provision to be made by individuals.

And to my Mulatto man William (calling himself William Lee) I give immediate freedom; or if he should prefer it (on account of the accidents which have befallen him, and which have rendered him incapable of walking or of any active employment) to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be option in him to do so. In either case however, I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during his natural life, which shall be independent of the victuals [food] and clothes he has been accustomed to receive, if he chooses the last alternative, but in full, with his freedom, if he prefers the first; and this I give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful services during the Revolutionary War.

…I give and bequeath, in Trust, four thousand dollars, or in other words, twenty of the shares which I hold in the Bank of Alexandria, towards the support of a Free school established at, and annexed to, the said Academy for the purpose of educating such orphan children, or the children of such other poor and indigent persons as are unable to accomplish it with their own means.

[On the offer from the State of Virginia of stock] …the acceptance of which, although the offer was highly honorable, and grateful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with a principle which I had adopted, and had never departed from, namely, not to receive pecuniary compensation for any services I could render my country in its arduous struggle with Great Britain for its rights…

That as it has always been a source of serious regret with me to see the youth of these United States sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education, often before their minds were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the happiness of their own; contracting, too frequently, not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles unfriendly to Republican Government, and to the true and genuine liberties of mankind, which thereafter are rarely overcome. For these reasons, it has been my ardent wish to see a plan devised on a liberal scale which would have a tendency to spread systematic ideas through all parts of this rising Empire, thereby to do away local attachments and state prejudices, as far as the nature of things would, or indeed ought to admit, from our National Councils…my mind has not been able to contemplate any plan more likely to effect the measure than the establishment of a UNIVERSITY in a central part of the United States, to which the youth of fortune and talents from all parts thereof might be sent for the completion of their education in all the branches of polite literature, in arts and sciences, in acquiring knowledge in the principles of politics and good government, and (as a matter of infinite importance in my judgment) by associating with each other, and forming friendships in juvenile years, be enabled to free themselves in a proper degree from those local prejudices and habitual jealousies which have just been mentioned, and which, when carried to excess, are never failing sources of disquietude to the public mind, and pregnant of mischievous consequences to this country…I give and bequeath in perpetuity the fifty shares which I hold in the Potomac Company…towards the endowment of a UNIVERSITY to be established within the limits of the District of Columbia, under the auspices of the General Government, if that government should incline to extend a fostering hand towards it…

Reflections on Washington

Henry Lee, Eulogy on President Washington (December 265, 1799)¹¹

Commencing his administration, what heart is not charmed with the recollection of the pure and wise principles announced by himself, as the basis of his political life. He best understood the indissoluble union between virtue and happiness, between duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and individual felicity; watching with an equal and comprehensive eye over this great assemblage of communities and interests, he laid the foundations of our national policy in the unerring immutable principles of morality, based on religion, exemplifying the pre-eminence of free 16 | 17 government, by all the attributes which win the affections of its citizens or command the respect of the world.

John Marshall, The Life of George Washington (1832)¹²

Without making ostentatious professions of religion, he was a sincere believer in the Christian faith, and a truly devout man.

Footnotes

1. George Washington, John Rhodehamel, ed., Washington: Writings (New York: The Library of America, 1997), 351. ↩︎
2. George Washington, John Rhodehamel, ed., Washington: Writings (New York: The Library of America, 1997), 516-18, 521, 522, 524, 526. ↩︎
3. George Washington, John Rhodehamel, ed., Washington: Writings (New York: The Library of America, 1997), 542-44, 545, 546. ↩︎
4. George Washington, John Rhodehamel, ed., Washington: Writings (New York: The Library of America, 1997), 108. ↩︎
5. George Washington, John Rhodehamel, ed., Washington: Writings (New York: The Library of America, 1997), 144. ↩︎
6. George Washington, John Rhodehamel, ed., Washington: Writings (New York: The Library of America, 1997), 279. ↩︎
7. George Washington, John Rhodehamel, ed., Washington: Writings (New York: The Library of America, 1997), 483. ↩︎
8. George Washington, John Rhodehamel, ed., Washington: Writings (New York: The Library of America, 1997), 558. ↩︎
9. George Washington, John Rhodehamel, ed., Washington: Writings (New York: The Library of America, 1997), 658. ↩︎
10. George Washington, John Rhodehamel, ed., Washington: Writings (New York: The Library of America, 1997), 726. ↩︎
11. Ted Widmer, ed., American Speeches: Political Oratory from Patrick Henry to Barack Obama (New York: Library of America Paperback Classics, 2011), 16-17. ↩︎
12. John Marshall, The Life of George Washington (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2000), 466. ↩︎